"Vittnesmål" om "utrotningsläger och gaskammare"

"---Warren led a life dedicated to education, and in 2003 created, through her family foundation, a Holocaust Museum fellowship for future teachers.

The weeklong program, which draws participants from across the nation, focuses on the periods of hate and apathy. Almost 2,000 college education majors have attended the sessions.

"Looking to the past and the Holocaust," she said, "I felt such trauma and such horrible things can happen only because people are ignorant. In order to eliminate ignorance, you must be educated."

"Looking to the past and the Holocaust," she said, "I felt such trauma and such horrible things can happen only because people are ignorant. In order to eliminate ignorance, you must be educated."

"---The Nazis invaded Poland on her wedding day and Nortman and her husband were separated. After that, she was forced to live inside a Nazi boxcar for six weeks. And because it was crammed with 150 people, it was standing room only.

But the toughest moment for Nortman came after she left the boxcar and was taken to a concentration camp. There, she gave birth to her first son. But at just six-weeks-old, he ultimately died from starvation. She says no one would help her baby boy.

"I said, 'You see this baby is dying.' And he said, 'No it has a fever.' I went to the cemetery and I buried the baby," said Nortman.

On this Passover, as Jews celebrate how God spared their first-born sons during bondage in Egypt, Nortman can't help but remember how her first born was taken from her.

Sunday, Nortman and her son Jack spent the holiday touring the museum and remembering the horrors.

"We always remember at Passover, what they went through," said Nortman.

While Passover celebrates the Jewish lives that were spared, the Nortman family can't forget the lives that were taken thousands of years later.

The boxcar seen in Amie McLain's video will be put on display at Seacrest Country Day School starting Monday morning.---"

"---Today, one more victim of the Holocaust is given a name and recognized for their trials, "I Remember …" is Holt's self-published, emotional recount of a few of her childhood years spent in a Nazi holding facility.

"I was reluctant to begin writing this book because I feared it would start the agony I had buried more than 50 years ago," Holt said.

As a more mature woman, she eventually realized what was best. "Finally, I accepted that my story was one that needed to be told

and that only I could tell [it]," Holt said.

That story begins when Holt, at 8-years-old, and her mother were abducted by a band of Nazis near their home in 1942. They were then forced into cattle cars, and then to a concentration camp near Grajevo, Poland, where they would inanimately exist for the next two years.

Both Holt and her mother were eventually transferred to Dachau---"

Then came his fateful expedition. On 8 June 1942, Sturmbannführer Rolf
Günther, Adolf Eichmann’s deputy at the Reich Security Main Office, handed Gerstein
an order to obtain one hundred kilograms of Zyklon B. The stated purpose: to examine
the possibilities of replacing the existing killing method in the death camps (i.e.,
carbon monoxide) with this poison gas.

57. Interrogation of Kurt Gerstein at the 2nd Military Tribunal of Paris for the investigation of
war crimes, 19 July 1945, LAB, Bestand 5, 2, no. 489b.

Since an average of six kilograms of Zyklon B was required to asphyxiate 1,500 people, “Gerstein’s” 1,775 kilograms of Zyklon B accounted for 450,000 deaths in Auschwitz.

In the past the S.S. had bought moderate amounts of Zyklon B from
Degesch as a vermin control in its concentration camps. When the
Final Solution added Jews to the S.S. extermination plans, Degesch
profits reflected the new prosperity. I.G.'s dividends on its
Degesch investment for the years 1942, 1943, and 1944 were double
those of 1940 and 1941.

At least one top official of Degesch, Gerhard Peters, the managing
director, definitely knew about the new use of Zyklon B. He had
been specifically informed of the details of the Final Solution by
Kurt Gerstein, the chief disinfection officer of the S.S., who did
the purchasing of Zyklon B.

There was still another episode that gave the officials of Degesch
more than a hint of the dread purpose to which their Zyklon B was
being put by the S.S. When manufactured as a pesticide Zyklon B
contained a special odor, or 'indicator,' to warn human beings of
its lethal presence. The inclusion of such a warning odor was
required by German law. When the S.S. demanded that the new,
large order of Zyklon B omit the 'indicator,' no one familiar with
the workings of the S.S. could have failed to realize the purpose
behind the strange request. The Degesch executives at first were
unwilling to comply. But compassion was not behind their refusal.
What troubled them was the fact that the S.S. request endangered
Degesch's monopoly position. The patent on Zyklon B had long
since expired. However, Degesch retained its monopoly by a patent
on the warning odor. To remove the 'indicator' was bad business,
opening up the possibility of unwelcome competition. The
S.S. made short shrift of this objection and the company removed
the warning odor. Now the doomed would not even know it was
Degesch's Zyklon B. (Borkin, 122-123)

Varför skall jag visa att Zyklonet inte hade med tyfus att göra när alla samtida vittnen säger att det hade med massgasningar att göra?

"---Typhus epidemics fought through use of Zyklon B

Typhus always endemic among the populations of eastern Europe ravaged Auschwitz. In the eastern part of the Soviet Union, the Germans confirmed "one hundred and fifty thousand cases of typhus in the Summer of 1941" (p. 32). Pressac, compelled to acknowledge certain truths that have been asserted by the Revisionists for some time, writes,

The SS medical doctors knew that the Auschwitz region was marshy. They had already been confronted with the problem of untreated water which had led to typhoid fever caused by Eberth's bacillus. At the end of May 1942, because of numerous cases of typhoid appearing among the inmates, the consumption of tap water was forbidden to the SS and to the employees of the seventeen civilian firms operating in the camp. It was replaced with mineral water provided for free in abundance. The medical doctors feared that it was nearly certain that there would be fatalities due to malaria in the Summer, caused by mosquitoes from the marshes. To counter this danger, the SS planned to open an institute of hygiene in Raisko; this happened in October. But the typhus took them by surprise. They thought that that their prophylactic measures (quarantine, haircuts) and hygiene measures (local disinfestation of the hair, showers) applied to new inmates on their arrival would prevent the outbreak of the plague in the camp by eradicating the vector, the flea. This was true as far as it went, but the trouble came from those who had not had to submit to such a treatment, the civilians, who were in close company with the inmates daily [8]. Soon, the latter were infected, and, since the hygienic conditions in the camps were lamentable, the death count skyrocketed. >From May to December 1940, the monthly death count was estimated at 220; from January to July 1941 it tripled; from August to December 1941 it reached a thousand; in July 1942 it passed 4,000. The sanitary situation became uncontrollable. It was necessary to keep typhus from spreading to the neighboring area. The whole camp was closed off and no one was allowed to leave. On the 10th July a partial quarantine was ordered [1942] (p. 43).

He adds,

But when the ravages of the typhus epidemic continued unabated and the situation became catastrophic, the total isolation of the camp was decreed on the 23rd July [1942] (p. 46).

The epidemic reached levels of 250 to 300 deaths per day among the inmates, the civilians and the SS (p. 50). Pressac omits to mention that the head medical doctor, Dr. Popiersch, himself died of typhus [9]. >From the 7th to the 11th September 1942, the first epidemic reached its peak with 375 deaths in one day (cf. the table on page 145).

A second epidemic and then a third broke out during the first half of 1943 (p. 82).

Disinfestation, particularly by means of Zyklon B, was a vital necessity:

The week of the 5th to the 11th July [1942], the building where the SS guards lived and which swarmed with vermin was gassed [with Zyklon B] (p. 16).

The central sauna at Birkenau,

was a high-performance sanitary complex due to be equipped with four rooms for disinfestation by hot air (document 23), three industrial autoclaves (document 24), a room for hair cutting, a room for medical examinations and fifty showers. With this complex the SS intended to deter the resurgence of typhus in Birkenau "definitively". The inmates were to be shaved, examined, disinfested and showered while their effects were disinfected. Unfortunately, the installation was not operational until the end of January 1944 (p. 69).

Document 23 and especially documents 24 and 40 illustrate the degree to which the Germans were concerned about hygiene, especially in a part of the camp occupied by the Gypsies at one time. Documents 42 and 43 show interior and exterior views of a battery of nineteen gas chambers for disinfestation with Zyklon B (this construction was not finished).

Auschwitz was equipped with

the most recent disinfestation technology developed in Germany. It was a stationary ultra-short wave disinfestation unit (decimeter- or centimeter-waves) (pp. 82-83).

Already in 1946 Marc Klein, professor on the faculty of medicine at the University of Strasbourg and a former inmate of Auschwitz, mentioned the "disinfestation by short-wave" and the impressive number of measures taken by the German medical doctors to care for the inmates in the conditions of close proximity of a forced labor camp ("Observations et réflexions sur les camps de concentration nazis", Études germaniques no. 3, 1946, p. 18).---"