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Senast redigerad av Aleksanterinkatu 2014-03-13 kl. 21:53.
Senast redigerad av Aleksanterinkatu 2014-03-13 kl. 21:53.
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Senast redigerad av Madagascar 2014-03-13 kl. 21:57.
Senast redigerad av Madagascar 2014-03-13 kl. 21:57.
De som deltog i de under flera månader pågående demonstrationerna envisas med att de har varit med om ett brett förankrat folkuppror. Som bekant är det bara dårar, tomtar, judar och dementa som tror att de kan ha rätt
:
http://www.theguardian.com/world/2014/mar/13/ukraine-uprising-fascist-coup-grassroots-movement
I artikeln påstås att ingen av Högra Sektorns medlemmar ska ha dödats under protesterna. Det är förvånande, om det stämmer.
:http://www.theguardian.com/world/2014/mar/13/ukraine-uprising-fascist-coup-grassroots-movement
Citat:
According to those who took part in it, the uprising was a broad-based grassroots movement, launched by people fed up with Yanukovych and involving all sections of society. Some demonstrators were indeed nationalists. Others were liberals, socialists and libertarians. There were Christians and atheists. There were workers from the provinces, as well as IT geeks from Kiev more at home with MacBooks than molotovs.
Its victims were a diverse bunch. The first was an ethnic Armenian; another Russian.
The man who began this revolution is Mustafa Nayem, a well-known Ukrainian journalist. Last November he put a question on Facebook. Yanukovych had just announced that he was dumping Ukraine's preparations to sign an association agreement with the European Union. Instead he was turning to Russia. Nayem – an investigative reporter born in Afghanistan – asked: was anyone planning to go to the Maidan? "In one hour my post had more than 1,000 'likes'. That night 400 people showed up. They stayed until 6am. Most of them were my friends from Facebook. It was the so-called creative class," he said.---
Right Sector's deputy leader, Andriy Tarasenko, told the Guardian his organisation didn't want to be involved in post-revolutionary party politics. Rather, he said, it sought to "transform the relationship between people and power". What this meant was a little unclear. He also wanted Kiev's new interim government to introduce a law that would allow his members to carry arms. "In Switzerland, everyone has the right to carry a gun," he said. Is Right Sector fascist? "Putin is the fascist. He's the occupier," he replied.
---
"They're not fascists. They're peasants," the hotel's black Angolan doorman, Claudio Miguel, said witheringly of his shadowy guests. He added: "They don't come from Kiev. They're from faraway villages."
Olexiy Haran, a politics professor and a member of the Maidan's organising committee, expressed exasperation at the way the Kremlin's "fascist" trope had taken root in some western minds. "I've had liberal Harvard professors asking me about this. We are talking traditional Russian propaganda," he said.
Haran characterised the events of the tumultuous past three months as a "national liberation and anti-corruption movement". It was pro-decency, and opposed to a president who behaved "like a puppet of Russia", he said.
In a statement, Haran and other academic experts on post-Soviet Ukrainian radicalism point to the heterogeneous nature of the protest movement – a "confusing mosaic" made up of people with "different motivations, backgrounds and aims". Most of the protesters "only turned violent in response to increasing police ferocity and the radicalisation of Yanukovych's regime," they write.
The experts complain of a "dangerous tendency" to misinterpret what happened. Exaggerated reports of ultra-nationalist actors ultimately serve "Russian imperialism", they suggest.
Its victims were a diverse bunch. The first was an ethnic Armenian; another Russian.
The man who began this revolution is Mustafa Nayem, a well-known Ukrainian journalist. Last November he put a question on Facebook. Yanukovych had just announced that he was dumping Ukraine's preparations to sign an association agreement with the European Union. Instead he was turning to Russia. Nayem – an investigative reporter born in Afghanistan – asked: was anyone planning to go to the Maidan? "In one hour my post had more than 1,000 'likes'. That night 400 people showed up. They stayed until 6am. Most of them were my friends from Facebook. It was the so-called creative class," he said.---
Right Sector's deputy leader, Andriy Tarasenko, told the Guardian his organisation didn't want to be involved in post-revolutionary party politics. Rather, he said, it sought to "transform the relationship between people and power". What this meant was a little unclear. He also wanted Kiev's new interim government to introduce a law that would allow his members to carry arms. "In Switzerland, everyone has the right to carry a gun," he said. Is Right Sector fascist? "Putin is the fascist. He's the occupier," he replied.
---
"They're not fascists. They're peasants," the hotel's black Angolan doorman, Claudio Miguel, said witheringly of his shadowy guests. He added: "They don't come from Kiev. They're from faraway villages."
Olexiy Haran, a politics professor and a member of the Maidan's organising committee, expressed exasperation at the way the Kremlin's "fascist" trope had taken root in some western minds. "I've had liberal Harvard professors asking me about this. We are talking traditional Russian propaganda," he said.
Haran characterised the events of the tumultuous past three months as a "national liberation and anti-corruption movement". It was pro-decency, and opposed to a president who behaved "like a puppet of Russia", he said.
In a statement, Haran and other academic experts on post-Soviet Ukrainian radicalism point to the heterogeneous nature of the protest movement – a "confusing mosaic" made up of people with "different motivations, backgrounds and aims". Most of the protesters "only turned violent in response to increasing police ferocity and the radicalisation of Yanukovych's regime," they write.
The experts complain of a "dangerous tendency" to misinterpret what happened. Exaggerated reports of ultra-nationalist actors ultimately serve "Russian imperialism", they suggest.
I artikeln påstås att ingen av Högra Sektorns medlemmar ska ha dödats under protesterna. Det är förvånande, om det stämmer.
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