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Regarding the death of Jiang Zemin, I will do a live broadcast later
Firstly:
Now because of Xi Jinping, many people miss the Jiang Zemin era. This is because they do not understand history.
Jiang Zemin appeared to be open-minded, but in fact he tried to change back to a planned economy from 1989 to 1992, but was stopped by Deng Xiaoping. He is a typical political opportunist. He has changed his mind to promote the market economy, but he has always been a conservative in politics

It is understandable to say that Jiang Zemin is good.
First, compared with Xi Jinping, it is indeed much better.
Second, the younger generation doesn't understand Hu Yaobang and Zhao Ziyang at all. Compared with Hu Zhao, he is far behind.
The 1980s were really the best decade, but the CCP kept silent about that decade, which made it impossible for people under the age of 30 to compare. So understandable.

The brutal crackdown in 1989 left China’s people depoliticized and intimidated into the social contract that has governed life for three decades: Leave politics to the party in return for some economic freedom. A new generation, pushed to the brink by the government’s zero-Covid obsession, has discovered its voice.

when soccer’s World Cup in Qatar kicked off this month, images of thousands of fans from around the world enjoying the spectacle without masks lifted the veil from Chinese eyes. After being force-fed nearly three years of propaganda that said that the party had saved China from the virus while the United States and other democracies had botched the response, people saw the truth: The world had moved on from the pandemic, back to normal life.

The surreal suffering of ordinary Chinese continued: There were viral reports of people dying after Covid restrictions prevented them from receiving timely medical care, workers clashed with security personnel over delayed bonuses and their living conditions at a central China factory that makes iPhones, and people in a southern city burst out of their confinement to protest food shortages.

The social and economic consequences of Mr. Xi’s unbending approach have shined a glaring light on the rigidity of the Communist system and the bankruptcy of its ideology and discourse and have revealed the true extent of public opposition, which was conveniently absent from the political stage of the party congress. The protests in China are a potent display of the vast distance between Mr. Xi’s government and the people.

This is a more serious problem for the party than the 1989 movement, which was largely limited to college students in Beijing. The recent demonstrations have brought workers, university students and the middle class together in a highly spontaneous nationwide expression of despair over a government unbound by checks and balances.

It will inevitably be met with the sort of severe repression that was used to silence pro-democracy demonstrations in Hong Kong, as well as intensified pandemic restrictions. But this will be extremely difficult for the government to sustain indefinitely. Mr. Xi’s Covid policy has exposed the system’s inherent weakness, and he is losing the two most critical bases of political support in China: university students and the middle class.