Källor, Statistik och Referenser.

Andelen misstänkta gärningsmän som var födda i Sverige av svenskfödda föräldrar sjönk mellan åren 1995 och 1999 i både Malmö och Stockholm, från 21 respektive 36 procent, till 10 respektive 15 procent. Denna grupp ungdomar var således kraftigt underrepresenterade bland de misstänkta gärningsmännen då de enligt SCB:s befolkningsregister utgjorde cirka 55-60 procent av den totala andelen 15-20-åringar.

Utlandsfödda ungdomar utgjorde i Malmö drygt hälften av alla misstänkta gärningsmän år 1995. År 1999 hade denna andel ökat till 69 procent. I Stockholm utgjorde ungdomar som var födda i utlandet cirka 40 procent av de misstänkta gärningsmännen både år 1995 och år 1999.

Utlandsfödda ungdomar var kraftigt överrepresenterade bland de misstänkta gärningsmännen då de enligt befolkningsstatistiken utgjorde 24 procent (Malmö), respektive 13 procent (Stockholm), av samtliga 15-20åringar.

Enligt uppgifter om de polisanmälda ungdomsrånen var omkring 70-75 procent av målsägarna födda i Sverige av två svenskfödda föräldrar.

En stor del av ungdomarna hade egna, eller på annat sätt närliggande, erfarenheterav ungdomsrån. En relativt stor del av rånen begås av ungdomar med invandrarbakgrund, och en ännu större del enligt ungdomarnas subjektiva uppfattning, den uppfattning som till stor del ligger till grund för formandet av framtida attityder och värderingar.

Förekomsten av dokumentlöshet
Med dokumentlöshet avses främst att den asylsökande inte uppvisar
pass, andra typer av identifikationshandlingar eller resehandlingar.
De dokument som uppvisas kan också vara förfalskade.
Dokumentlösheten har ökat lavinartat under de senaste åren.
År 1997 saknade 34 % av de som sökte asyl i Sverige passhandlingar,
dvs. pass eller vissa slags identitetskort och körkort. Första
kvartalet 2004 saknade 93 % av denna persongrupp passhandling.
Dokumentlösheten är i princip lika utbredd oavsett var de
asylsökande ursprungligen kommer ifrån. Asylsökande som är
medborgare i länder som ligger i Syd- och Nordamerika presenterar
emellertid i väsentligt högre grad än övriga passhandlingar.

Rättsliga och praktiska problem
Identitetsproblematiken berör hela samhället och innebär rättsliga
och praktiska problem i snart när alla samhällssektorer.
Bristande identitetsfastställelse försvårar integrationen och är ett
mycket stort polisiärt problem, framför allt vid brottsbekämpning
och lagföring.
Problemet med dokumentlösa asylsökande m.fl. är ett resursslöseri
och ett rättssäkerhetsproblem. Tilltron till asylsystemet står
på spel om myndigheterna inte kommer till rätta med problemet.

På samma sätt som det system som tillämpades enligt 1980 års
utlänningslag kunde missbrukas kan även nuvarande system
missbrukas. NIPU konstaterar i sitt betänkande att både antalet
nya ansökningar och andelen bifall har kommit att vida överstiga
vad lagstiftaren förutsatte samt att systemet i stället för att leda till
en minskning av antalet fall där lagakraftvunna beslut omprövades
omedelbart fick motsatt effekt (SOU 1999:16 s. 401 f.). Antalet
nya ansökningar har även därefter fortsatt att öka. Från år 1999 till
år 2002 har antalet nya ansökningar per år mer än tredubblats från
2 781 till 8 298. Samtidigt har andelen bifallna ansökningar minskat
från ca 39 % år 1999 till ca 17 % år 2002.
Utredningen om verkställighet och kontroll i utlänningsärenden
angav i sitt betänkande att det enligt Utlänningsnämnden inte är
ovanligt att en och samma person ger in mellan fem och tio nya
ansökningar (SOU 1997:128 s. 89). Enligt uppgift från Utlänningsnämnden ser det inte annorlunda ut idag.
De nya ansökningarna har således kommit att få en betydelse
som är oacceptabel både för de enskilda utlänningarna, som
invaggas i falska förhoppningar om att de nog trots allt kanske får
stanna, och för samhället med stora kostnader som följd. Det
ökande antalet nya ansökningar tar stora resurser i anspråk hos
Utlänningsnämnden. Detta leder till att handläggningstiderna för
de överklagade grundärendena förlängs, eftersom nya ansökningar
skall handläggas skyndsamt.

Ännu en orsak är att finna i att nästan samtliga avslag om uppehållstillstånd överklagats, och det inte bara en gång. Den sökande har bara rätt till ett överklagande, men det blev mycket vanligt att efter avslag göra en ny ansökan, förebärande att nya omständigheter framkommit, som man ville åberopa. Det blev i själva verket så vanligt att man i dagligt tal på Invandrarverket inte skilde de två begreppen åt utan talade om - och klagade över - att det ena överklagandet följde på det andra. En enmansutredare tillsattes för att utreda missbruket och han konstaterade att en ny ansökan juridiskt sett var att betrakta som en resningsansökan, något som i svenskt rättsväsende endast används i sällsynta undantagsfall och då riktas till högsta instans. Här var det i själva verket ett obegränsat antal överklaganden som riktades till första instans, dvs av Invandrarverket. På verket kunde man också konstatera att en del handläggare tog ärendena i den ordning de kom in, vilket betydde att ett komplicerat fall under lång tid kunde blockera ett antal klara avslagsärenden.

Det skall påpekas att ett avslagsbeslut inte får överklagas mer än en gång. Det är fortfarande så.
I själva verket blev det så vanligt med ny ansökan att man redan då på Invandrarverket i stället talade om "två överklaganden". I snitt. Det är ännu mycket vanligare idag.

There is an American, Jonathan Friedman (fairly, in the context, potent name - here's his homepage), which you might want to read about. He has some interesting things to say about Sweden, their handling of the multicultural society and their particular virulent version of PC - as well as about the western world in general.
Jonathan Friedman is a New York Jew now living with his Swedish wife in the southern Swedish city of Malmø where he teaches socio-anthropology at the University of Lund. As an outsider living inside Sweden he sees himself in a unique position to comment both with inside insights and an outside perspective - but more to the point as foreigner he is able to comment candidly on issues which native Swedes would be quite unable to for fear of retribution for overstepping the invisible PC bounds.

The end of the Eveningland
The suppressed freedom of speech in Sweden is a symptom of something much larger and much worse, namely the last spasms of the western civilisation, so thinks a professor of socio-anthropology, American and employed at the University of Lund [large university, southern Sweden].
Jonathan Friedman is Jewish and New Yorker, and, as he welcomes you on the doorstep dressed in curly hair, hawaii shirt, khaki trousers and bare feet, he reminds you nothing so much as Bob Dylan - as Bob Dylan would have looked had he toured a little less and eaten a little healthier. The living room in the big flat in central Lund looks like the embodiment of the multiethnic vision; modern bright sofa, African art of walls and floors and the classical porcelain fireplace in the corner.
The man is professor of socio-anthropology, kind and pleasant to look at with sleepy, intelligent eyes, but make no mistakes; he says things, you can only say in Sweden as long as you're not a Swede.
"I'm pretty much waiting for all hell to break loose. But so far they seem to let me be in peace and I have only met critique internally at the university. Had I been a Swede, then I would have been decapitated, as it is, they mostly just try to ignore me."
Friedman is employed at the University of Lund, together with his Swedish wife whom is also professor of socio-anthropology. And she has not been dealt with, with the same velvet gloves. Kajsa Ekholm Friedman made the grave mistake of accepting an invitation from the organisation "Folkeviljen og Masseindvandringen" [People's will and Mass Immigration] - an organisation no longer extant, but which typically consisted of pensioners and disappointed Social democrats, whom were critical of immigration. Kajsa Ekholm is/was not a member of the organisation and does not share its views, but just the fact that she spoke in the forum resulted in a demand from 27 teachers and students at Lund that she be removed from her position at the university.
Jonathan Friedman knows a great deal about those mechanisms. He has functioned both in New York, Paris and Copenhagen before he came to Lund and has just finished a book titled "PC Worlds" an analysis of the phenomena Political Correctness.

The ecology/environment of the debate
We talk about the concept of "The Ecology of the Debate" [debattens økologi] introduced by Margareta Bertilsson, a Swedish professor of sociology at the University of Copenhagen. She wrote in Weekend Avisen [large Danish newspaper] July 12. "The right to speech must be weighted against him or those whom speak also have something to enrich the conversation with. The right to speak also entails duties to handle the responsibility. We take up other peoples' time. To take care of this public debating ecology has just as much value as taking care of freedom of speech."
Jonathan Friedman however isn't shocked. "The suppression of the freedom of speech is a powerful mechanism. You are now here during the election campaign, and you'll see that the journalists and media try to make the debate seem large and varied - by simply removing focus from the essential and talk about something else entirely, like infrastructure policies. No debate about immigration polices is possible, the subject is simply avoided."
"Why?"
"I believe it is a long tradition. In the US for instance, political correctness is a university phenomena, in the public and amongst common people, it is a joke. But Sweden has such a close connection between the various powerful groups, politicians, journalists, etc. - they socialise privately, they marry each other, they go to the same social events and parties. The political class is closed, isolated. And add to that, that the Social Democrats have had something like near monopoly on the power. This instills a certain amount of security and stability - but also insecurity, for whatever would happen if the bubble suddenly burst? Or their view of the world seriously challenged? The elite, in their isolation and due to their isolation, has become more and more scared of the people and what they might think and believe. The opinion is that people in general are stupid. The Political Class has moved up and on and away from the people. It is cosmopolitical in its approach and views itself as more above the nation than part of it. Economical this is supported by the fact that precisely this class sees its salaries as the fastest growing of all."

Absurd undemocratic, but is this something new?
"A major changes has taken place. When I first came to the country, it was still so that you could call your politician and talk to him. It was a healthy democracy. In Denmark, where I lived in the 70's a separate political class already existed then. It is a such which has materialised in Sweden - even more so - and they're nervous and worried to see their power slip away and at anything which can stir or shake it. And it is therefore they want to close the mouth on the critics, as for instance The Swedish Democrats [Sverigedemokraterna. Swedish rightist party opposed to immigration. Not in parliament.] It is a completely legal party, they just aren't allowed to speak. It is absurdly undemocratic. They are marginalised. They are isolated and ridiculed. . . . and then they are called undemocratic. In reality, the heart of democracy is completely turned on its head. It is said: "democracy is a certain way of thinking, a specific set of opinions, and if you do not share them, then you aren't democratic, and then we condemn you and you ought be eliminated. The People? That is not democratic. We the Elite. We are democracy." It is grotesque and it certainly has nothing to do with democracy, more like a kind of moral dictatorship."

Jonathan Friedman thinks circumstances in Sweden are special also because Sweden has a long tradition of maintaining a correct surface. "Bergman's movies weren't about anything else. It was all about demons hiding under the dry and correct surface. A party like The Swedish Democrats is like a national libido, which must be suppressed. The untold base assumption is that, if not controlled, then deep down we are all racists. Like we all would become drunks if it wasn't for The Systembolaget [Swedish state institution for controlling and selling alcohol. None others are allowed to sell alcohol] - a doctor actually told me the latter. In complete earnest. It is a very interesting cultural phenomena, which is continuously repeated time and again. One is afraid of ones own shadow. Schools dare not raised the Swedish flag or celebrate Christmas. And if you ask a Swedish minister (which a journalist did. red. [not my note]) if he is Swedish, then he hurriedly assures you that he is most certainly no such thing - he is a mix of all kinds of other things. The Swedish supreme court has in a ruling in principle made clear the fact that racism is something which is done by Swedes and not anyone else. This despite many of the gang rapes, wherein by the way immigrants are massively overrepresented as perpetrators, have clear racist traits. But this they don't want to know, and this we are not allowed to know."
"Weekend racists", is Friedman's term for many Swedes, whom drink themselves senseless during the weekend, whence it is generally accepted to - and then all the suppressed hatred is let loose. He mentions a leading politician whom daily spoke warmly for greater immigration and integration, but who simply had to be thrown out of Grand Hotel one Saturday evening because he shouted and screamed his racist opinions for the world to hear. While being drunk. Racism while under the influence of alcohol.
Jonathan Friedman won't mention names, but his example was recently overdone. A Swedish journalist, had, pretending to be a normal citizen, a whole slate of Swedish politicians affirm the most grotesque racist utterances and had it on tape. Several elected politicians had to withdraw after the exposure on Swedish television.
"Try to see how the police treat a drunk a Tuesday. And then how they react during the weekend. During the weekend it is accepted that one gets drunk, many simply goes all out berserk. Then it all has to come out. Try to transfer this to the political."

Crime is on the rise
"But critique and the problems supposedly won't go away?"
"Sweden has lots of conflicts and a rising insecurity. We have witnessed several incidents of what I would call classical racist nature, wherein two groups of people violently clash. Crime is going up. The newly arrived are largely unemployed, and this costs the welfare state much much money. The welfare state is based on a closed system, it can handle a limited group of people. It can't in any way deal with an open society, but this kind of insight is too much for politicians in general. They think in very short terms. I think it is absurd to believe that, for instance, thousands of Somalians can be "integrated" into a society as the Swedish. But there are academics that believe so. And the politicians have to believe it, their whole life is based on tomorrow being better than today. It won't. So what does a politician do, when he has to face reality - that the future looks far darker than today.?"
"Close the eyes and hope for the best?"
"Yes. And in a way I understand it. It is a whole vision or dream which is falling apart. Sweden is a closely knit society wherein the idea of community stands above all. In the city where I am from, nobody gives a damn. You don't make eye contact on the street. You say "how are you" but don't mean anything by it. All the time you try to create vacuum around your own person. It is extremely individualistic. In the Swedish model, the crux is that either a thing is centrally controlled - or there is chaos.
"But the idea of folkehjemmet [approx. The People's Home - the Swedish Marianne or their manifestation of the welfare system] is also challenged. And the Swedes handle it their own way. In the integration law of 1997 it says directly: "Since a large group of people have their origin from another country, the Swedish people have no common history. The connection to Sweden and the support of society's basic values is of greater importance for integration than historical origin."
Friedman shakes his head.
"In reality they thus view the world as consisting of a number of different "races" and groups of people. Sweden's own history is abolished and exchanged for a history of the different "races". This law would raise the state above the nation and make the essential for nationality be a patronage of a number of "values". But in actuality the Swedish feeling of nationality & patriotism is just as much tied up on the cultural and the historical as eg. the Danish.

"And chaos can come anyway? Are we heading for an explosion?"
"I think so. By several reasons. Just the economical side won't hold up for long. Sweden has fallen from a top placement to a 17th spot on the list of the world's richest countries. The Welfare State is in deep crisis. The taxes are pressuring people down - think of the USA where tax progression is nowhere like here, but even so manage to take the bigger part from the wealthy few. In Sweden the tax comes mainly from the bottom. And the tax basis is eroding by the day. Money flees abroad, and people without education and resources comes in. Thus the state is forced to indebt itself massively. The newly arrived are marginalised and the lower public employees, teachers e.g., are made lower class. On the side, a gigantic black economy grows forth and is tacitly accepted. And the immigrants do not contribute to the economy - on the contrary. Even in the US, where the welfare expenses are much smaller than here, has it been shown by a Harvard economist that immigrants are a net expense for society. It is, by the way, typical that in the USA it is the blacks that most ardently oppose immigration - it is those whom are threatened on their livelihood, it is their jobs the immigrants will compete for."

Towards financial crisis
"And yet there is sign of a rebellion amongst the people, against the high taxes for instance?"
"No and people still pay a larger price for a poorer service. But it won't continue. Western societies, I think, move towards a deep financial crisis. And the only ones who don't see it is the political class, because precisely this class never had it better. In that sense, it reminds some of the Roman Empire's last 100 years."
"That sounds a bit much"
"Yes, but one shouldn't be blind for the larger historical lines. The Age of the Movement of People which is so much spoken of these years, was precisely the result of society round them broke asunder, and people were forced to wander. Exactly as today."

Life at different levels
"And one is forced to ask: how will it end?"
"I don't know. But I have some inklings. A society, as the one sketched in the movie Blade Runner is closer than you imagine. A society where life is lived on different levels. And where the steps between the different levels are guarded by heavily armed police. In Los Angeles, you already see housing projects which spans the slum areas. And you build circular benches so as the bums can't sleep on them. It takes so very little before our ordered society breaks down. Takes such a thing as Rosengården in Malmø [large and nearly 100% immigrant community] - if the municipality suddenly have no further money to pour into it, then it's slum in five years. Or less"
"In certain way an old fashioned class society?"
"Yes it is very unfashionable to speak of classes. But seldom has it been more pertinent. Much more actual than in the 1970'sh when everybody talked about it. The class society is having a comeback, and many are moving downwards - but a place like Sweden is quite unable to relate to or address this. In English it's called "downward mobility". It is characteristic that there is no likewise Swedish term."
"Is there anything to be done?"
"I, for one, have my doubts anything will be done. Modern politicians all over the west speak as if there is only one way. They have the same economical advisers which tells them the same things over and again. Management theories have long since won its place in the political arena, the power of positive thinking rules the process. It seems almost like resignation rules."

Ok I think he went a bit overboard there with Rome and the historical comparisons. But the things he has to say about Sweden and freedom of speech are interesting and, sadly, not in the least exaggerated - on the contrary. Just one thing I recently learned. When voting in Sweden you pick your voting card from the political representatives outside the voting booths, and then walk across the hall to the voting booth and select which candidate you want to vote for - only there inside the booth where you select the party candidate are you hidden from view. This means everybody can see which party you are going to vote for, and in a society like Sweden where social control is very widespread this creates an atmosphere where certain political parties are heavily discriminated against. Even in Denmark with much less social control, phone polls inevitably give a lower number than Election Day for certain parties critical of immigration because people don' t like to admit, even to a nameless faceless pollster on the phone, they vote for such. Imagine the control in Sweden where your neighbour and working buddies can see which party you vote for - and especially as there have been several cases where people have been fired from their jobs on the sole reason that they were members of disliked, but legal, political party.
And he adds this:

Here is Jonathan Friedman's definition of political correctness: "Politically Correct is when arguments are reduced to either a Good or a Bad category. Arguments are condemned on moralistic grounds and never logically analysed. The free discussion disappears and is exchanged for association tricks. What is said becomes less important than defining those who say it as belonging to a specific group. The important thing is who has lunch with whom, who speaks with whom, who is where at which time."

Antalet asylsökande som nekats uppehållstillstånd men vägrar lämna Sverige ökar kraftigt.

[...]

Sammanlagt 3.398 personer från Irak, Somalia, Iran och Afghanistan fick i fjol avslag på sin asylansökan. 263 återvände frivilligt till hemlandet och 44 utvisades med tvång.

Av mer än 6.000 ärenden som Migrationsverket 2007 överlämnade till polisen verkställdes 960 enligt polisens egen rapportering.

Det finns fortfarande stora skillnader mellan inföddas
och olika grupper av utrikesföddas chanser
att tillhöra kärnarbetskraften. Endast drygt 40 procent
av dem som invandrat från Öst- och Sydeuropa
och inte ens 30 procent av dem som invandrat
från Mellanöstern och Nordafrika kunde försörja
sig genom arbete år 2002. Detta kan jämföras med
70 procent när det gäller den svenskfödda befolkningen.
Sedan krisåren på 1990-talet ser vi emellertid
en god återhämtning. Detta gäller särskilt
för de grupper som under lågkonjunkturen hade
lägst andel i kärnarbetskraften.
Den långvariga arbetslösheten skiljer sig också
åt mellan grupper med olika ursprung men skillnaderna
har generellt sett minskat kraftigt över
tid. Ändå var arbetslösheten bland invandrare
från Östeuropa och Sydeuropa år 2002 fortfarande
i stort sett dubbelt så hög som för infödda
svenskar. För invandrare från Mellanöstern och
Nordafrika var den nästan fyra gånger så hög
som för infödda.
Få invandrare kan försörja sig på sitt arbete fem
år efter ankomsten till Sverige. Endast var femte
person som kom till Sverige i början av den ekonomiska
krisen kunde helt försörja sig på arbete
efter fem år. Det var svårare för denna grupp att
etablera sig på arbetsmarknaden än för de invandrargrupper
som kom mitt under krisen eller i början
av den ekonomiska uppgångsfasen. Av dem
som kom till landet år 1997, dvs. i början av återhämtningsperioden,
var andelen självförsörjande
nästan dubbel så stor efter fem år i landet.

Idag ligger mellan 30 och 40 förundersökningar om krigsförbrytelser utlagda på olika polismyndigheter i landet.

–Men det pågår i praktiken ingen uppföljning, säger Pim Martinsson, kriminalkommissarie på rikskriminalpolisen och ansvarig för folkrätts- och krigsbrottskommissionen.

Är Sverige en fristad för krigsförbrytare?

–En samlad bedömning utifrån mitt perspektiv är det finns stor risk att vi är på väg att bli det. Inte i den bemärkelsen som Sydamerika var efter andra världskriget, där det fanns ett klart uppsåt från respektive lands ledning, utan det är snarare ett strutssyndrom vi uppvisar, säger han.

Kriminalpolisens tidigare ansvarige för folkrätts- och krigsbrottskommissionen, Hans Ölvebro, uppskattade att cirka tusen misstänkta krigsförbrytare bor i Sverige. Det är en rimlig uppskattning, anser hans efterträdare Pim Martinsson. Han jämför med Nederländerna, som har tagit emot ungefär lika många flyktingar som Sverige och som idag har 790 registrerade fall.

–Vi menar att Sverige ligger högre än det, säger Pim Martinsson.

I Nederländerna arbetar 22 personer på heltid med misstänkta krigsförbrytelser. Grannländerna Norge och Danmark har också inrättat centrala enheter.

We have found that, consistently over the years, public opinion is very much opposed to immigration across a variety of destination countries.

However, based on the extent of opposition to immigration revealed by voters’ attitudes, within a median-voter framework we would expect migration flows to be restricted to zero, while most countries in our sample are net receivers of non-negligible numbers of foreign workers. How can this public opinion puzzle, i.e. this large gap between individual opinions and actual policies/outcomes, be explained?

In this paper we have suggested that pressure groups might be the answer. Anecdotal evidence and the empirical analysis we have carried out suggest that lobbies are very active in themigration policy arena, and that several pressure groups are actually pro-migration. In particular, we found that the number of foreign workers of a given occupation/education category is positively affected by politically-organized native workers in other education/occupation categories. This suggests that, for example, politically-organized doctors will lobby the government and succeed in increasing the number of foreign nurses. In addition, another important factor, which will work to increase the number of immigrants in a given occupation/education category is politically-organized capital owners who will employ them (Facchini, Mayda and Mishra 2007).

At the same time, given the extent of opposition to immigration revealed by voters’ attitudes, the question arises why migration is allowed to take place at all. The answer lies with pressure by domestic interest groups, many of which favour more open migration policies. For example, during the ‘dot com’ boom at the end of the nineties, high tech firms have intensively lobbied the US congress to increase the number of H1-B visas.

we think that governments are not willing – rather than able – to block migration inflows. For example, the preferred tool by most destination countries to manage migration is border enforcement rather than interior enforcement, although the latter is much more effective than the former.

a more selective migration policy can help reduce the negative effects in terms of crime and security.