Mordet på Olof Palme - 28 februari 1986

Du har missat Jägar-Nisse som ingick i det enda spår om vilket Per Gunnar
Näss har uttalat att det fanns näring i det.

Enda spanskspråkiga boken om MOP
vem mördade OP
Ramon Miravitllas

maskinöversatt
Boken avslutas med de rörande orden då generalsekreterare för FN: s, Javier Pérez de Cuéllar: "Jag gjorde Palme till ordförande för kommissionen för att förbjuda vapenförsäljning till Iran och Irak under kriget. När han återvaldes som premiärminister Jag sa till honom: "Jag vet att du nu kommer att ha åtaganden som inte tillåter dig att fortsätta, så jag befriar dig." Men han sa: "Jag vill inte lämna komminsionen." Jag borde aldrig ha tillåtit det

man skall komma ihåg att många på den tiden gick omkring med klockor som drog sig flera minuter per dag, mer om det utsattes för kyla och värme.

Från boken Unfinished Business

(en person som kallar sig Nigel Barnett har intresanta nedsnackningskommentarer på amazon om boken.)

"DCC. This was the unit responsible for clandestine activities across the world,
and its new commander was a long-distance assassin with a reputation for
trying to prove himself. However, Craig Michael Williamson, the letter-bomb
killer and London bomber, denied knowing anything about the killing of Olof
Palme or about the existence of Nigel Barnett. The latter claim, at least, seems
highly improbable.
The only link that emerged came from Eugene de Kock. He recalled being
told by former security police 'analyst' and gun-runner to Inkatha, Philip
Powell, that two of Williamson's close associates, Jonty and Cindy Leontsinis,
knew Who had carried out the Palme assassination. Jonty Leontsinis, a
Johannesburg horticulturist Who operated within security police and Military
Intelligence fronts, was another friend from Williamson's school days. Neither
Jonty nor Cindy Leontsinis, Who in 2002 were living on their farm in KwaZulu-
Natal and running a national seed company, were ever investigated or
interviewed by the TRC. Powell, although implicated in gun-running, left for
England to study for an MA degree in conflict resolution in London.
In early 2003 Bacon/EssIin/ Barnett/Otto was still in Cape Town, although
he had apparently gone to ground. He was still, technically, on bail, awaiting
trial in Mozambique. Reports that he was working for the National Intelligence
Agency could not be confirmed.
...
was a man who, among his many crimes, had abducted ten young men in
1986 from Mamelodi near Pretoria, them, and then burned them to
death in a minibus. Was it because he had publicly announced that he knew,
but would not name, five ministers in the first post-apartheid cabinet Who
were apartheid agents? Such rumours and insinuations Will continue to
circulate until the matter is resolved once and for all.
What about Joe Verster, the managing director of the CCB, and his band of
murderous thugs? How was it that Henry William Bacon, aka Nico Esslin aka
Nigel Barnett aka H.W. Otto, suspect in the killing of Swedish Prime Minister
Olof Palme and on bail on an arson charge in Mozambique, could quietly
settle in Cape Town in 2001? And above all, why turn a blind eye to those
senior figures in the security establishment and their political masters Who
ordered and authorised so many of the proven cases of gross human rights
abuse?
The fact that General Johan Coetzee, having made hardly any disclosures,
was practising law in his hometown of Graaff•Reinet at the turn ofthe century
was another source of anger. Even more flagrant was the conversion of
another police general, Johan van der Merwe, involved in bombings and in
ordering a murderous cross-border raid, into a leading figure in the Association
for Equality before the Law, established to defend apartheid era human rights
offenders. The list of such leading figures, directly involved in the commission-
ing and execution of everything from murders to blackmail, bombirv and
...
Another served with zeal for fifteen years from 1982 and received a single
passing mention in the first five volumes of the TRC report. Yet his career
gave a penetrating insight into the workings of Military Intelligence outside
South Africa, and is linked by accusation and suspicion to the assassination in
1986 of Sweden's prime minister, Olof Palme. Even more intriguing than the
career of this agent is that of the man Who was his handler both before and
after South Africa's democratic transition in 1994. His name never featured in
T RC hearings and he did not apply for amnesty or explain his role as a foot
soldier and administrator for more than thirty years of brutal repression.
The following are only three examples of the thousands of individuals Who
never appeared before the TRC and Who continued to survive and, in many
cases, to thrive in the •new' South Africa.

...
Global politics had a distinct bearing on the success of Operation Daisy. In a
politically bipolar world, the West was in an embarrassed alliance with
apartheid South Africa, while the East — in the form of the Soviet Union —
backed the ANC through its alliance with the SACP, and claimed the moral
high ground. The Scandinavian countries — and in particular Sweden, under
Prime Minister Olof Palme — shared the anti-Soviet view of their Western
allies, but they were uncomfortable with support or even tolerance for the
brutal apartheid regime. Like SO many social democrats before and since, they
sought an elusive 'third way'. But they did so, certainly at first, on the basis of
the same simplistic good-versus-evil, East-versus-West analysis. In the big
game, it was the USSR versus the US, and the pieces on South Africa's
chessboard were the apartheid government and the ANC-led alliance.
so the kitchen cabinet around Olof Palme welcomed the emergence of anti-
apartheid forces hostile to the Soviet system and to the SACP. Close friends
Bernt Carlsson, general secretary of the Socialist International, Lars-Gunnar
Eriksson, head of the IUEF, and Palme formed the core of this group. They
met and corresponded frequently: South Africa Was an intense focus. As the
decade of the 1970s unrolled, it seemed to them that the apartheid state
provided a perfect laboratory for the development of a third way. Black
Consciousness as the leading force on the ground there had its limitations, but
was an understandable development, given the racist realities. But there were
"

Tack, glömde han från östersund (polis) som pekades ut av Lisbeth och vars släktingar anmälde honom efter att han dog.

På den hör bilden står Parniak framför "stålbrännare" , de kallas dödspatrullen
https://www.forsvarsmakten.se/imagevault/publishedmedia/nvd2ze7ybw4gb22q9ztw/D-dspatrullerna_2004.jpg

Ja, Ölvebro sa i en tv-utfrågning med Borgnäs att LJ väntade betydligt längre än man från början trodde. Men vilket program? Har inte det i huvudet, men tror det var i början av 90-talet nån gång. I det läget förekom ingen diskussion om att YN inte kan ha sett GM, utan frågan gällde om LJ kunde ha sett GM bakom bilen på DB gata. Det mesta finns ju på Youtube så du kan scanna listan där så hittar du säkert klippet.

Ber att få tillägga ett namn - Eino Hiltunen. Kolla signalementet på Grandmannen (MS/AK/MP/LK/MD)+NF+mordvittnena. Kolla sedan Hiltunens signalement och passfotot på honom. Där pratar vi medelålders man med stirrande blick som dessutom mycket väl kan ha haft på sig en stickad keps och en längre rak vinterjacka. Han bör i alla fall upp på listan om nu någon inte är lika övertygad som jag är just nu. "Han gick lite konstigt" - ja Hiltunen var sjukskriven pga ryggproblem. Vapenexpert. Umgicks med AGAG-folket i Östersund. Ensamvarg. Märkligt rik efter Palmemordet. Mördades med nackskott i nov 86.

Tackar, det är faktiskt inte en speciellt lång lista.

Om du tillskriver mig åsikter om Carol Paraniak kräver anständigheten att du precisererar var jag påstått detta.

Carol Paraniak var under sin tid som chef på Svea Livgarde med och stängde av nazister från utbildningen .

http://wwwc.aftonbladet.se/nyheter/9906/22/milnazi.html

CP blev väl chef för livgardet, hemmaplan för stay-behind.

BTW:
Väldigt intressant om SB
http://content.foreningshuset.se/KundMappar/7522/asf_1999_1_s1_50.pdf

Norrmalmspiketens turer innan den kommer till mordplatsen är fortfarande en vit fläck. Att de verkligen kom till platsen vet vi genom att dess besättning under ledning av Christer Persson var dom som satte upp avspärrningen runt mordplatsen.