Homosexualitet är en psykisk störning

“Regnerus states the no-differences hypothesis thus:”H1: children from same-sex families display no notable disadvantages when compared to children from other family forms”.

Stacey and Biblarz (2001) offered a good criticism of this research program, arguing that the deficit model it implies ignores potentially important qualitative or positive differences between family structures. Another article in the same issue of Social Science Research (Marks, 2012) provides an extended criticism of the scientific process that led to the adoption of a related statement from the American Psychological Association’s 2005 brief report on same-sex parenting, which holds that: ”Not a single study has found children of lesbian or gay parents to be disadvantaged in any significant respect relative to children of heterosexual parents. (p. 15)”

Marks stakes this statement to task by evaluating the various studies examined for the brief and arguing that none of them is sufficiently scientifically rigorous to justify that summary claim. Regnerus does similarly at the outset of his article: “Suffice it to say that versions of the phrase “no differences” have been employed in a wide variety of studies, reports, depositions, books, and articles since 2000.”

Both Marks and Regnerus make a key epistemological error. The APA report and cited research conclude essentially that there is no evidence of systematic difference. In scientific terms, they test a different hypothesis:” H2: Children from same-sex families display notable disadvantages when compared to children from other family forms.”

In general, they reject that hypothesis based on the evidence available. Marks and Regnerus treat this as if the reports conclude that there is conclusive evidence of lack of systematic difference: as if the null hypothesis (H1) were confirmed. But rejecting hypothesis H2 is not the same thing as proving the null hypothesis (H1), a key distinction present in the relevant literature but one that Regnerus ignores. Since Regnerus (2012a) is motivated by the ubiquity of the no-differences hypothesis, and the lack of support for H2 is the actual state of the literature prior to the publication of Regnerus (2012a), adequate evidence to support H2 is the appropriate standard for rejecting the no-differences hypothesis. If there is sufficient evidence to support H2 with confidence, the no-differences hypothesis should be rejected; if there is not, the no-differences hypothesis stands as the current state of knowledge. In the next section we evaluate the evidence presented by Regnerus to determine whether it is sufficient to provide support for H2 and therefore to reject the no-differences hypothesis.”

Does parental sexual orientation affect child development, and if so, how? Studies using convenience samples, studies using samples drawn from known populations, and studies based on samples that are representative of larger populations all converge on similar conclusions. More than two decades of research has failed to reveal important differences in the adjustment or development of children or adolescents reared by same-sex couples compared to those reared by other-sex couples. Results of the research suggest that qualities of family relationships are more tightly linked with child outcomes than is parental sexual orientation.
Does parental sexual orientation have an important impact on child or adolescent development? Results of recent research provide no evidence that it does.

In fact, the findings suggest that parental sexual orientation is less important than the qualities of family relationships. More important to youth than the gender of their parent’s partner is the quality of daily interaction and the strength of relationships with the parents they have. One possible approach to findings like the ones described above might be to shrug them off by reiterating the familiar adage that ‘‘one cannot prove the null hypothesis.’’ To respond in this way, however, is to miss the central point of these studies. Whether or not any measurable impact of parental sexual orientation on children’s development is ever demonstrated, the main conclusions from research to date remain clear: Whatever correlations between child outcomes and parental sexual orientation may exist, they are less important than those between child outcomes and the qualities of family relationships.

Although research to date has made important contributions, many issues relevant to children of lesbian and gay parents remain in need of study. Relatively few studies have examined the development of children adopted by lesbian or gay parents or of children born to gay fathers; further research in both areas would be welcome (Patterson, 2004). Some notable longitudinal studies have been reported, and they have found children of same-sex couples to be in good mental health. Greater understanding of family relationships and transitions over time would, however, be helpful, and longitudinal studies would be valuable. Future research could also benefit from the use of a variety of methodologies.

Meanwhile, the clarity of findings in this area has been acknowledged by a number of major professional organizations. For instance, the governing body of the American Psychological Association (APA) voted unanimously in favor of a statement that said, ‘‘Research has shown that the adjustment, development, and psychological well-being of children is unrelated to parental sexual orientation and that children of lesbian and gay parents are as likely as those of heterosexual parents to flourish’’ (APA, 2004). The American Bar Association, the American Medical Association, the American Academy of Pediatrics, the American Psychiatric Association, and other mainstream professional groups have issued similar statements. The findings from research on children of lesbian and gay parents have been used to inform legal and public policy debates across the country (Patterson et al., 2002).

The research literature on this subject has been cited in amicus briefs filed by the APA in cases dealing with adoption, child custody, and also in cases related to the legality of marriages between same-sex partners. Psychologists serving as expert witnesses have presented findings on these issues in many different courts (Patterson et al., 2002). Through these and other avenues, results of research on lesbian and gay parents and their children are finding their way into public discourse. The findings are also beginning to address theoretical questions about critical issues in parenting.

The importance of gender in parenting is one such issue. When children fare well in two-parent lesbian-mother or gay-father families, this suggests that the gender of one’s parents cannot be a critical factor in child development. Results of research on children of lesbian and gay parents cast doubt upon the traditional assumption that gender is important in parenting. Our data suggest that it is the quality of parenting rather than the gender of parents that is significant for youngsters’ development. Research on children of lesbian and gay parents is thus located at the intersection of a number of classic and contemporary concerns. Studies of lesbian- and gay-parented families allow researchers to address theoretical questions that had previously remained difficult or impossible to answer. They also address oft-debated legal questions of fact about development of children with lesbian and gay parents. Thus, research on children of lesbian and gay parents contributes to public debate and legal decision making, as well as to theoretical understanding of human development.

A growing body of scientific literature demonstrates that children who grow up with 1 or 2 gay and/or lesbian parents fare as well in emotional, cognitive, social, and sexual functioning as do children whose parents are heterosexual. Children’s optimal development seems to be influenced more by the nature of the relationships and interactions within the family unit than by the particular structural form it takes.

The small and non-representative samples studied and the relatively young age of most of the children suggest some reserve. However, the weight of evidence gathered during several decades using diverse samples and methodologies is persuasive in demonstrating that there is no systematic difference between gay and non-gay parents in emotional health, parenting skills, and attitudes toward parenting. No data have pointed to any risk to children as a result of growing up in a family with 1 or more gay parents. Some among the vast variety of family forms, histories, and relationships may prove more conducive to healthy psychosexual and emotional development than others.

Research exploring the diversity of parental relationships among gay and lesbian parents is just beginning. Children whose parents divorce (regardless of sexual orientation) are better adjusted when their parents have high self-esteem, maintain a responsible and amicable relationship, and are currently living with a partner. Children living with divorced lesbian mothers have better outcomes when they learn about their mother’s homosexuality at a younger age, when their fathers and other important adults accept their mother’s lesbian identity, and perhaps when they have contact with other children of lesbians and gay men. Parents and children have better outcomes when the daunting tasks of parenting are shared, and children seem to benefit from arrangements in which lesbian parents divide child care and other household tasks in an egalitarian manner as well as when conflict between partners is low. Although gay and lesbian parents may not, despite their best efforts, be able to protect their children fully from the effects of stigmatization and discrimination, parents’ sexual orientation is not a variable that, in itself, predicts their ability to provide a home environment that supports children’s development.

Many experts in the helping professions have agreed that there is no scientific credence to support a gay and lesbian adoption ban. Nevertheless, there continues to be persistent mythology pertaining to outcomes for children adopted by gay and lesbian parents. This position may be somewhat due to the dearth of research that compares heterosexual and homosexual parenting outcomes with adopted children. To respond to this gap in the literature, this study explored the extent of emotional and behavioral problems among children aged 1.5 to 5 years (n=380) and 6 to 18 years (n=1,004) with gay and lesbian or heterosexual adoptive parents. A multiple regression analysis was used to assess the association between the dependent variables (child internalizing and externalizing behavior) on adoptive parent sexual orientation (gay and lesbian or heterosexual) while controlling for child age, child sex, pre-adoptive maltreatment, co-sibling adoption, adoption preparation, family income, and family functioning.

As hypothesized, results indicated that child internalizing and externalizing behavior was not contingent upon adoptive parent sexual orientation. Rather, regardless of sexual orientation, adoptive parents are likely to encounter similar challenges in terms of risk factors for child behavioral problems and mitigating factors of such behavior. Recommendations for practice, policy, and future research are highlighted.

As Mallon (2007) stated, “Not all gay and lesbian people should be foster or adoptive parents. In the same way, not all nongay people would make suitable foster or adoptive parents” (p. 84). Deciding to adopt is an important step and should be meaningfully considered and weighed by potential parents. However, the sexual orientation of the person should not affect that choice or keep that person from pursuing the option if so desired. Gay and lesbian couples should be considered and assessed via an adoption process that is respectful, culturally sensitive, and strengths-based (Matthews & Cramer, 2006). Gay and lesbian adoptive parents, as well as heterosexual adoptive parents, face challenges and issues in their families. Although the emotional and behavioral issues of their children can provide challenges for adoptive parents, their parents’ sexual orientation does not impact their ability to face those challenges. Social work educators, adoption professionals, and policy makers have a responsibility to face the growing body of knowledge that proves that gay and lesbian parents are as fit as heterosexual parents to adopt.

As a result, we must not only educate and practice and create laws that respect the 2 million gay and lesbian potential adoptive parents (Gates, Badgett, Macomber & Chambers, 2007) but we must also serve the 130,000 children in the child welfare system waiting to be adopted (U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, 2007).

Extensive data available from more than 30 years of research reveal that children raised by gay and lesbian parents have demonstrated resilience with regard to social, psychological, and sexual health despite economic and legal disparities and social stigma. Many studies have demonstrated that children’s well-being is affected much more by their relationships with their parents, their parents’ sense of competence and security, and the presence of social and economic support for the family than by the gender or the sexual orientation of their parents. Lack of opportunity for same-gender couples to marry adds to families’ stress, which affects the health and welfare of all household members. Because marriage strengthens families and, in so doing, benefits children’s development, children should not be deprived of the opportunity for their parents to be married. Paths to parenthood that include assisted reproductive techniques, adoption, and foster parenting should focus on competency of the parents rather than their sexual orientation.

On the basis of this comprehensive review of the literature regarding the development and adjustment of children whose parents are the same gender, as well as the existing evidence for the legal, social, and health benefits of marriage to children, the AAP concludes that it is in the best interests of children that they be able to partake in the security of permanent nurturing and care that comes with the civil marriage of their parents, without regard to their parents’ gender or sexual orientation.

Marriage equality can help reduce social stigma faced by lesbian and gay parents and their children, thereby enhancing social stability, acceptance, and support. Children who are raised by married parents benefit from the social and legal status that civil marriage conveys to their parents.
When marriage of their parents is not a viable option, children should not be deprived of the opportunity for temporary foster care or adoption by single parents or couples, irrespective of their sexual orientation. Public policy and community support are vital to the success of children in these circumstances.

Pediatricians working to eliminate disparities and establish support, stability, and security of all families through marriage equality and legal parental recognition honor the AAP mission to promote the optimal physical, mental, and social health and well-being of all infants, children, adolescents, and young adults.

Data were collected on 154 adoptive families with gay/lesbian and straight adoptive parents (154 parent respondents & one randomly chosen adolescent from each family). This study was designed to examine three research questions: 1) Are there differences in adopted adolescent attachment to parents among early (12–15) and late (16–19) adopted adolescents; 2) are there differences in attachment to adoptive parents during early adolescence and late adolescence by parent sexual orientation; and 3) what are the factors (IVs) that contribute to level of adolescent attachment to adoptive parents (DV). The results indicated that early adolescent attachment to parents was significantly stronger than late adolescent attachment to parents. There were no significant differences in early and late adopted adolescent attachment by parent’s sexual orientation. A Stepwise Regression Model indicated adolescent life satisfaction and parent satisfaction of the relationship with their adopted child were significant predictors of adopted adolescent attachment to parents among this sample of gay/lesbian and heterosexual adoptive parents. The implications of these findings are discussed.

This study sought to address three basic research questions. The first question involved an analysis to determine whether there were differences among early and late adolescents who were adopted in terms of attachment to parents. The results of this analysis found that adopted adolescents in the early age group (11 to 15 years) had greater levels of attachment compared to those in late adolescence (16 to 19 years). It is important to note that these findings do not suggest that these adolescents have poor attachment, only that early adolescents had significantly higher levels of attachment. The second research question was addressed by two analyses designed to assess whether there were differences in parental attachment during early adolescence and late adolescence by parent sexual orientation. The results found that there were no significant differences in early adolescent parental attachment by parent sexual orientation, nor were there any significant differences in late adolescent attachment by parent sexual orientation.

The results of this research are supported by previous research regarding adoptive families that ubiquitously reports that parent sexual orientation does not have any harmful influence on adopted youth (Erich, Leung, Kindle, & Carter, 2005; Erich, Leung, & Kindle, 2005; Leung et al., 2005; Erich et al., 2008). Because adoptive families with single parents and those involved in committed relationships were both included in the study, it was appropriate to assess whether “parent relationship status” influenced levels of adolescent attachment to parents. The analysis indicated that those adolescents with parents involved in a committed relationship did have significantly higher levels of attachment to parents. Further analyses found that there was not a significant difference in terms of parent relationship status or parent relationship satisfaction by sexual orientation.

Responding to the third research question involved the use of a stepwise regression procedure to determine the individual and cumulative contributions to variations in the dependent variable of attachment to adoptive parents. The final model included two independent variables that contributed significantly to variation in level of attachment to adoptive parents. The most powerful contributor was adolescent life satisfaction, and the second contributing variable was parent satisfaction with the relationship with the adopted child. The cumulative effect of these two variables accounted for nearly 50% of the variation in the dependent variable of adolescent attachment to adoptive parents. While significant differences in attachment to parents by early/late adolescence were identified in bivariate analyses, the strength of this relationship was not sufficient for inclusion in the model ac- cording to the stepwise regression procedure. The same was true regarding the variable parent sexual orientation, which was also excluded from the model as it lacked predictive power regarding the dependent variable of adolescent attachment to adoptive parents.

These findings support previous research that has found a positive relationship between adolescent attachment to parents and other indicators of psychological health in adolescents, such as adolescent life satisfaction among non-adoptive families with presumably heterosexual parent structures (Armsden & Greenberg, 1987; Arms- den et al., 1990; Greenberg et al., 1991; Lapsley et al., 1990). Second, the significant positive relationship between parent satisfaction with the relationship with the adopted child and adopted adolescent attachment to parents supports the conceptual understanding of the attachment relationship being one that involves an ongoing series of reciprocal interactions between parent and child that also influences both parties’ understanding of their relationship (Hughes, 1997)

The objectives of this comparative study were to examine adoptive family functioning with a sample of gay, lesbian, and heterosexual adoptive parents and their children. The results suggested that parent sexual orientation is not a significant predictor of adoptive family functioning, adopted child’s behavior, and parent’s perceptions of helpfulness from family support networks. Furthermore, a regression analysis suggested the following variables were associated with higher levels of family functioning: adoptive parents who were previously foster parents and children who had more previous placements prior to adoption. Lower family functioning was associated with children adopted through CPS; with children who had mental health diagnoses, learning disorders, or other handicapping conditions; and with children who were in a higher grade in school.

While there has been a recent upsurge in the number of studies related to children raised by gay and lesbian parents, the literature in this area continues to be small and wrought with limitations. This study presents a meta-analysis of the existing research and focuses on the developmental outcomes and quality of parent–child relationships among children raised by gay and lesbian parents. A total of 19 studies were used for the analysis and included both child and parent outcome measures addressing six areas. Analyses revealed statistically significant effect size differences between groups for one of the six outcomes: parent child relationship. Results confirm previous studies in this current body of literature, suggesting that children raised by same-sex parents fare equally well to children raised by heterosexual parents. The authors discuss findings with respect to the implications for practitioners in schools.