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Researchers have contended that specific early-life experiences may lead
to an inner world of violent thoughts, which in turn may manifest in a desire to
act on such thoughts. Anderson postulated that the abuse suffered by some
children might lend strength to their fantasies, making them more aggressive
and instilling a dominant and controlling focus. During such instances, a child
may also use fantasy to escape the harshness of reality by entering a world
where they have more control over their fears and can act out their abuse against
others rather than being the victim. In the case of repetitive sexual
crimes, the content of sexual fantasy often reportedly derives from explicit,
protracted, sexually deviant experiences first sustained in early childhood.
Researchers generally agree that when deviant sexual fantasy becomes part of
the offense chain, an individual moves closer to the point where acting on
aberrant sexual fantasies becomes a reality. Although deviant sexual interest
may be maintained by masturbation to aberrant themes,
the intensity of the
resultant sexual arousal is seen to decrease as a function of the frequency with
which sexual fantasy is used to enhance such arousal. Therefore, as the
intensity decreases, the “response tendency” (i.e., the motivation to act on the
environment) increases. At the point where sexual fantasy escalates to a
degree whereby the incorporation of further fantasy material fails to produce
the desired changes in attention, arousal, or the environment, individuals may
attempt to transform their fantasy into behavior. This may be accomplished
through gradual and partial enactment in an attempt to stage the fantasy as it
was imagined.
This collective fantasy is then rehearsed before, during, and after a sexual
encounter in order to mentally and sexually re-experience the “high” that
was associated with the actual sexual offense.
It has also been contended that re-enactment provides an offender
with an opportunity to deliberately plan and simulate escalatory behavior.
Through mental simulation, an offender can preview anticipated experience
and prepare themselves for plausible alternatives.
That is, by replaying a scene
several times, an offender can develop ways to minimize difficulties and/or
problems that may be encountered and desensitize themselves to potential
feelings of guilt, fear, awkwardness, and/or embarrassment.
As the offender continues their aberrant acts, they often attempt to make
reality match their “idealized” fantasy. However, the match can never
be perfect, as reality is usually never as satisfying as the “high” experienced
within the individual’s fantasy. Thus, each new offense results in the
refinement of the fantasy, a process that, for some offenders, builds to a point
where it becomes equivalent to, or as viable as, the external world.
Sexual fantasy plays a fundamental role in the commission of sex offenses.
Indeed, if we think of sexual fantasy as a “mirror” into the psychological drives,
motives, and forces within the offender, then a crime scene acts as a reflection of
this internal world.
In a study on sexual murder, analyzed crime scene behavior and provided an
empirical model with distinct behavior clusters.
Their study suggested that in sexual murders, ligature strangulation is associated
with deliberate and cruel crime scene behavior, suggesting a “predator” murder
pattern. Predomination of strangulation as a cause of death in sexual and sadistic
murders has been interpreted in various ways.
Based on clinical work with
sexual murderers, Brittain suggested that for the sadistic murderer, the
method of killing is almost always asphyxial. It may be due to the positions
of the murderer and his victim in a sexual attack, which, according to Brittain,
makes strangulation an “easy and convenient” way of killing and prevents
the victim from crying out.
Sexual aggressors against women who commit their crime with a high
risk of being apprehended are almost three times more likely to use expressive
violence during the offense than offenders who do not. This result may indicate
that these offenders are more impulsive, less organized, and unaware of the
environmental cues associated with the criminal situation
Most offenders undertake just a relatively short journey to the site of their
crime. It appears that many types of crimes—such as stranger rape, robbery,
burglary, and even serial murder—are committed at places where the routine of
their lives brings the offenders, usually in the vicinity of their residences.
People know best the environment around the place where they live, the
places they visit often, and the routes between them, like their commute to
their work place and its surrounding area. They organize the knowledge of
their environment around these anchor points, also named activity nodes. Brantingham
assume that offenders search their targets in their activity space that is defined
by their activity nodes and the paths connecting them. Indeed, crime trips into
unknown territories to locate crime sites are relatively rare. This contention is
based on the so called routine activity model. In this model, “opportunity” is an
important concept to explain criminal behavior.
