Ännu en framgång för Trump. Kanada skriver på nya NAFTA avtalet (USMCA)

• Aiding farmers by curbing Canada’s high tariffs and low quotas on U.S. dairy products.

• Reinvigorating U.S. car manufacturing. Previously 40 percent of a car could be made in China or other places with few labor or environmental standards and still considered to be “North American” and imported cheaply into the USA. The agreement drops this foreign portion to 25 percent.

• Easing the burden on sick Americans who fund drug development by paying full price for patented drugs. Both Canada and Mexico have agreed to respect drug patents on biologic drugs—the most promising field of new cures—for a period of 10 years, which means Americans won’t be only ones from whom drug companies can recover expenses.

labor laws means statutes and regulations, or provisions of statutes and regulations, of a Party that are directly related to the followinginternationally recognized labor rights:
(a) freedom of association and the effective recognition of the right to collective bargaining;
(b) the elimination of all forms of forced or compulsory labor;
(c) the effective abolition of child labor, a prohibition on the worst forms of child labor, and other labor protections for children and minors;
(d) the elimination of discrimination in respect of employment and occupation; and
(e) acceptable conditions of work with respect to minimum wages, hours of work, and
occupational safety and health;

Formally, there is no issue here, as all three states are members of the ILO and already must uphold the rights enumerated in the 1998 Declaration, whether or not they have signed the relevant conventions, by virtue of that membership. Domestic labor law in all three states already largely follows those principles. However, by shifting to the ILO standards as the legal source, the scope of rights protected under NAFTA would be substantially narrowed from the eleven NAALC labor rights principles to the four ILO fundamental labor rights: freedom of association and the effective recognition of the right to collective bargaining; the elimination of all forms of forced or compulsory labor; the effective abolition of child labor and a prohibition on the worst forms of child labor; and elimination of discrimination in respect to employment and occupation.

While there is overlap, other rights included in NAFTA but not the ILO Declaration leave two major NAFTA-specific issues unresolved. The first is that the rights of migrant workers, which is a central part of the NAALC labor principles and has been a chief complaint at the labor panel over the past 15 years, is not included in the ILO standards. It is not clear as to how labor rights actors will engage any new process to protect migrants, who are especially vulnerable to rights violations when they do not hold citizenship status in the country where they work. Second, a number of additional rights, including minimum standards of employment, equal pay for women and men, and the prevention of occupational injuries and illnesses, are also excluded from the list of fundamental labor rights. Though the argument is typically that these rights could then be attained at the domestic level through union organization, freedom of association rights in and of themselves are not fully guaranteed in North America. Freedom of association cases make up the bulk of all NAFTA labor complaints for all states, and obstacles to union registration have always been the chief complaint against Mexico inside the NAFTA process. Proposed narrowing of NAFTA-protected labor rights would essentially shift responsibility for the enforcement of some rights back to the domestic level; however, these same rights are presently included at the regional level precisely because domestic compliance remains weak. While the incorporation of labor in the NAFTA agreement itself is a significant step forward, narrowing the scope of labor rights protected by the agreement would amount to a half-step backward.

https://www.forbes.com/sites/themexi...renegotiation/