17 år gamle Emilie Meng forsvunnet, Korsør, Danmark. Fundet død, juli 2016

10 juli 2016

"Klokken nærmede sig med hastige skridt 10.00, og organisten og de andre korsangerinder undrede sig mere og mere over, hvor Emilie blev af.

Pludselig gik den tunge, hvidmalede kirkedør op. Alle forventede, at det var Emilie, der trådte ind, men det var ikke. Det var hendes mor."

" Organisten kunne med det samme se, at H*elene Meng var oprevet og ude af sig selv.

"Er Emilie her? Er Emilie her?" nærmest råbte hun ud i rummet."

" Forvirringen og magtesløsheden stod mejslet i H*elenes ansigt, og det var tydeligt, at kirken havde været det sted, hvor hun håbet at finde sin datter. Herfra vidste hun ikke, hvor hun skulle lede.

For organisten og de andre korpiger var det tydeligt, at Emilies mor opfattede situationen som dybt alvorlig."

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Dumpad i en sjö, helt respektlöst i sig.
Emilie hittades mördad på julafton.

29 december går ett fackeltåg från Korsør Station, via Kodakstigen, upp till kyrkan där Emilie sjöng men aldrig dök upp mer.

"Klokken 18.30 den 29. december mødte omkring 2.500 personer op foran Korsør Station, og i samlet flok gik de fra stationen og ud ad den rute gennem Korsør, som Emilie skulle være gået, den nat hun forsvandt.

Midt inde i menneskemængden og det knitrende hav af ild, der gled gennem landskabet, gik en lav mand. Han var kommet for at ære den afdøde pige. Hun var hans datter. N*icolai S*kovgård havde forladt lejligheden i Nordjylland og var nu tilbage i sin hjemstavn for at tage del i begivenheden, der for ham symboliserede folks ukuelige støtte til Emilie. N*icolai gik med hele vejen fra stationen til Sankt Povls Kirke, hvor fakkeltoget endte..

Inde i kirken forberedte Anna Helleberg Kluge en mindehøjtidelighed, og der blev holdt to taler, en af hende selv og en af præstekollegaen Thomas Hansen. Lige før mindehøjtideligheden skulle til at begynde, gik Anna Helleberg Kluge ud af kirken for at se, om der var kommet nogen. Ude foran på kirkepladsen og hele vejen rundt om kirken på de brostensbelagte gader var folk stimlet sammen. Side om side. Skulder ved skulder.

Alle sammen bar de tændte fakler, der lyste op i mørket. Der blev ikke sagt et ord i den enorme menneskemængde. Den eneste lyd, hun kunne høre, var faklernes susen i den kølige decembervind. Synet var ved at tage vejret fra hende, og for anden gang følte hun, at sorgen blev så fysisk, at hun nærmest kunne holde den i hånden.

Inde i Sankt Povls Kirke, hvor folk måtte sidde på gangene langs stolerækkerne for at få plads, sang veninderne i Emilies kirkekor hendes yndlingssalme: "Du som har tændt millioner af stjerner".

Du, som har tændt millioner af stjerner,
tænd i vort mørke en tindrende tro.
Du er vort lys, og du vogter og værner os,
så vi sover i tryghed og ro."

For alle de tilstedeværende i kirken - og resten af Korsør - var uvisheden om Emilie forsvinden nu afløst af frygt. Et nyt mørke sænkede sig over byen, da de mange mennesker forlod kirken og gik hver til sit.

Det stod nu endegyldigt klart for dem alle, at en morder var på fri fod."

Ur Pigen der forsvandt av Jesper Vestergaard Larsen og Bo Nörstrøm Weile

"Motivations and Types of Serial Murder: The Symposium Model

Over the past twenty years, law enforcement and experts from a number of varying disciplines have attempted to identify specific motivations for serial murderers and to apply those motivations to different typologies developed for classifying serial murderers. These range from simple, definitive models to complex, multiple-category typologies that are laden with inclusion requirements. Most typologies are too cumbersome to be utilized by law enforcement during an active serial murder investigation, and they may not be helpful in identifying an offender.

The attendees at the Symposium discussed the issues surrounding motivation and the use of typologies to categorize varying types of serial murder. Identifying motivations in the investigation of a crime is a standard procedure for law enforcement. Typically, motivation provides police with the means to narrow the potential suspect pool.

The same logical steps are taken when investigating homicide cases. As most homicides are committed by someone known to the victim, police focus on the relationships closest to the victim. This is a successful strategy for most murder investigations. The majority of serial murderers, however, are not acquainted with or involved in a consensual relationship with their victims.

For the most part, serial murder involves strangers with no visible relationship between the offender and the victim. This distinguishes a serial murder investigation as a more nebulous undertaking than that of other crimes. Since the investigations generally lack an obvious connection between the offender and the victim, investigators instead attempt to discern the motivations behind the murders, as a way to narrow their investigative focus.

Serial murder crime scenes can have bizarre features that may cloud the identification of a motive. The behavior of a serial murderer at crime scenes may evolve throughout the series of crimes and manifest different interactions between an offender and a victim. It is also extremely difficult to identify a single motivation when there is more than one offender involved in the series.

The attendees at the Symposium made the following observations:

• Motive generally may be difficult to determine in a serial murder investigation.

• A serial murderer may have multiple motives for committing his crimes.

• A serial murderer’s motives may evolve both within a single murder as well throughout the murder series.

• The classification of motivations should be limited to observable behavior at the crime scene.

• Even if a motive can be identified, it may not be helpful in identifying a serial murderer.

• Utilizing investigative resources to discern the motive instead of identifying the offender may derail the investigation.

• Investigators should not necessarily equate a serial murderer’s motivation with the level of injury.

• Regardless of the motive, serial murderers commit their crimes because they want to. The exception to this would be those few killers suffering from a severe mental illness.

To assist law enforcement in narrowing the pool of suspects, attendees at the Symposium suggested that broad, non-inclusive categories of motivations be utilized as guidelines for investigation. The following categories listed below represent general categories and are not intended to be a complete measure of serial offenders or their motivation:

• Anger is a motivation in which an offender displays rage or hostility towards a certain subgroup of the population or with society as a whole.

• Criminal Enterprise is a motivation in which the offender benefits in status or monetary compensation by committing murder that is drug, gang, or organized crime related.

• Financial gain is a motivation in which the offender benefits monetarily from killing. Examples of these types of crimes are “black widow” killings, robbery homicides, or multiple killings involving insurance or welfare fraud.

• Ideology is a motivation to commit murders in order to further the goals and ideas of a specific individual or group. Examples of these include terrorist groups or an individual(s) who attacks a specific racial, gender, or ethnic group.

• Power/thrill is a motivation in which the offender feels empowered and/or excited when he kills his victims.

• Psychosis is a situation in which the offender is suffering from a severe mental illness and is killing because of that illness. This may include auditory and/or visual hallucinations and paranoid, grandiose, or bizarre delusions.

• Sexually-based is a motivation driven by the sexual needs/desires of the offender. There may or may not be overt sexual contact reflected in the crime scene.

An offender selects a victim, regardless of the category, based upon availability, vulnerability, and desirability. Availability is explained as the lifestyle of the victim or circumstances in which the victim is involved, that allow the offender access to the victim. Vulnerability is defined as the degree to which the victim is susceptible to attack by the offender. Desirability is described as the appeal of the victim to the offender. Desirability involves numerous factors based upon the motivation of the offender and may include factors dealing with the race, gender, ethnic background, age of the victim, or other specific preferences the offender determines."