2005-01-05, 01:14
#1
Vinnaren i pepparkakshustävlingen!
Nu är det ju inte jag som skrivit det, FetFulElak, jag lägger helt enkelt fram en del material som jag just själv läst för analys, och i tråden finns även länkar till ortodoxt exterminationistiska sajter för den som vill orientera sig vidare. Huruvida någon orkar läsa det? Jo, det tror jag nog.
Och jag hoppas även på vettiga diskussioner.
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2005-01-05, 06:29
#2
Vad Leuchterrapporten har att säga om Majdanek som "dödsfabrik" med Zyklon B som påstådd avlivningsmetod:
http://www.ihr.org/books/leuchter/majdanek.html
Den anti-sionistiske juden Josef Gideon Burg förnekade bestämt Holocaustkultens fundamentala påståenden och vittnade vid en av Zündelrättegångarna:
http://www.ihr.org/books/kulaszka/24burg.html
"For an eight or nine year period prior to 1981, Zündel had been in communication by letter and in visits with Joseph G. Burg, a Jewish author who had written several books on the Second World War. These books included Guilt and Fate, Scapegoats, Zionist Nazi Censorship in the Federal Republic of Germany, National Socialist Crimes of Bad Conscience by Germans Against Germans under Zionist Direction and Major Attacks of Zionists against Pope Pius XII and the German Governments. Burg had discussed these books with Zündel and believed the latter had received them. (25-6824, 6825, 6835, 26-6896, 6897)
In his books, Burg dealt with the subject of the alleged Nazi extermination camps. Burg had spoken to hundreds of people who had been in Auschwitz and had visited the camp in the fall of 1945. Burg had wanted to see the crematoria, the hospitals, and in particular, a large new bakery. He also wanted to find the gas chambers although at that time gassings were not yet in fashion. He did not find any gas chambers. Burg formed the opinion that there were no "extermination" camps at all, that gas chambers had never existed and that there had been no plan to exterminate the Jews of Europe. These opinions were published in his books and in his correspondence with Zündel. (25-6825 to 6838)
Burg also visited Majdanek three times. He did find gas chambers in Majdanek, but testified that they were disinfection gas chambers for liquidating lice and fleas: bugs which caused epidemics. The chambers were standard in each camp and had the German words "Attention! Poisonous Gas!" under a death skull. Zyklon B was the new formula used to disinfect the clothing. It destroyed the bugs but not the fabric. (25-6839)
After the war, Burg heard a lot about the allegations that people were gassed at Auschwitz and Majdanek. He proved that it was either out of stupidity or propaganda. Up to now, he pointed out, no document had been found showing who gave the order for gassings, who built them and where they were built. The German authorities especially had been called the "super-bureaucracism." It therefore couldn't be that after all these years not a document could be found. (25 6840)
Burg testified that he spoke to hundreds of people who serviced and operated the crematoria but the people who operated gas chambers were impossible to find. Nobody had published anything in which it was claimed that he worked in a gassing institution for human beings. There was literature about gassing that was completely contradictory. Why? Because it was all made up. These opinions were published in his books. (25-6840)
Recension av en bok av två exterminationistiska historiker, Michael Shermer och Alan Grobman, Denying History: Who Says the Holocaust Didn't Happen, and Why Do They Say It?
http://www.ihr.org/jhr/v20/v20n1p45_Shermer.html
"---By "convergence of evidence" Shermer means a situation in which data from a variety of different fields all point to a specific factual conclusion. Shermer argues that there are eighteen kinds of data that converge on the fact of the Holocaust: five testimonies, four Nazi speeches, blueprints of the crematoria, photos of dead inmates, more testimonies, Zyklon B orders, Eichmann's confession, postwar statements of the German government, and many missing Jews (p. 118). No, the list does not add up to eighteen, and no, we are not making fun of Shermer's argument: this is exactly what he says, except that by the end of his litany the eighteen kinds of data have become eighteen proofs "all converging on one conclusion."
There are at least three things wrong with Shermer's argument. The first problem is that if we accept the word "Holocaust" as a rubric to describe everything that happened to Jewish people in the Second World War we immediately run into a problem of relating the disparate parts to each other. For example, it is well known that thousands of dead persons were photographed by the Americans and the British in such camps as Bergen Belsen, Buchenwald, and Dachau: these photographs prove that there were many dead, Jews and others, in these camps when they were captured, nothing more. Sophisticated exponents of the Holocaust are in agreement with revisionists that such evidence has no bearing on what did or did not happen in alleged "extermination" camps such as Auschwitz or Treblinka.
The second problem is that the evidence does not necessarily converge on the stated conclusions. For example, when discussing the mass gassing claim, Shermer argues that we know mass gassings took place because of (1) testimonies, (2) blueprints of crematoria, (3) Zyklon B traces, (4) photographs, ground level and (5) aerial, and (6) existing ruins. But these categories of evidence provide distinctly different levels of evidentiary value. The testimonies, as is well known, are frequently implausible, were generated at a time when gassing stories had been widely disseminated, and were given before courts committed to upholding the gassing claim. The blueprints, on the other hand, only show that crematoria were planned. The existence of Zyklon B traces, in camps where the product was widely used for disinfection, is automatically moot. The ground level photos show piles of dead bodies. The aerial photos prove that crematoria were built. The ruins provide evidence that delousing stations, as well as crematoria, were built. None of the non-testimonial classes of evidence would necessarily lead to a conclusion that mass gassings took place, while the testimony itself remains unreliable.
Shermer's "convergence of evidence" argument appears to be rather that, if various classes of evidence do not contradict the central assertion, these other classes of evidence corroborate, or converge, on that central conclusion. In the same way, an old woman in the seventeenth century could have been shown to have gamboled in a midnight glade with Satan -- and then been burned at the stake, so long as a broom and a cat were produced.
The third problem with Shermer's "convergence" model is that by returning again and again to rather weak categories of evidence -- such as eyewitness stories, aerial photos, cans of Zyklon, the use of the word "Ausrottung" (extirpation) in public speeches -- he passes over the enormous gap in the documentary record. It is precisely this documentary gap -- the absence of any reliable documentation at any level that points to homicidal gassing, and the absence of documentation to indicate that the Third Reich was pursuing a policy of exterminating all Jews -- that leads people to the revisionist perspective.---"
http://www.ihr.org/books/leuchter/majdanek.html
Den anti-sionistiske juden Josef Gideon Burg förnekade bestämt Holocaustkultens fundamentala påståenden och vittnade vid en av Zündelrättegångarna:
http://www.ihr.org/books/kulaszka/24burg.html
"For an eight or nine year period prior to 1981, Zündel had been in communication by letter and in visits with Joseph G. Burg, a Jewish author who had written several books on the Second World War. These books included Guilt and Fate, Scapegoats, Zionist Nazi Censorship in the Federal Republic of Germany, National Socialist Crimes of Bad Conscience by Germans Against Germans under Zionist Direction and Major Attacks of Zionists against Pope Pius XII and the German Governments. Burg had discussed these books with Zündel and believed the latter had received them. (25-6824, 6825, 6835, 26-6896, 6897)
In his books, Burg dealt with the subject of the alleged Nazi extermination camps. Burg had spoken to hundreds of people who had been in Auschwitz and had visited the camp in the fall of 1945. Burg had wanted to see the crematoria, the hospitals, and in particular, a large new bakery. He also wanted to find the gas chambers although at that time gassings were not yet in fashion. He did not find any gas chambers. Burg formed the opinion that there were no "extermination" camps at all, that gas chambers had never existed and that there had been no plan to exterminate the Jews of Europe. These opinions were published in his books and in his correspondence with Zündel. (25-6825 to 6838)
Burg also visited Majdanek three times. He did find gas chambers in Majdanek, but testified that they were disinfection gas chambers for liquidating lice and fleas: bugs which caused epidemics. The chambers were standard in each camp and had the German words "Attention! Poisonous Gas!" under a death skull. Zyklon B was the new formula used to disinfect the clothing. It destroyed the bugs but not the fabric. (25-6839)
After the war, Burg heard a lot about the allegations that people were gassed at Auschwitz and Majdanek. He proved that it was either out of stupidity or propaganda. Up to now, he pointed out, no document had been found showing who gave the order for gassings, who built them and where they were built. The German authorities especially had been called the "super-bureaucracism." It therefore couldn't be that after all these years not a document could be found. (25 6840)
Burg testified that he spoke to hundreds of people who serviced and operated the crematoria but the people who operated gas chambers were impossible to find. Nobody had published anything in which it was claimed that he worked in a gassing institution for human beings. There was literature about gassing that was completely contradictory. Why? Because it was all made up. These opinions were published in his books. (25-6840)
Recension av en bok av två exterminationistiska historiker, Michael Shermer och Alan Grobman, Denying History: Who Says the Holocaust Didn't Happen, and Why Do They Say It?
http://www.ihr.org/jhr/v20/v20n1p45_Shermer.html
"---By "convergence of evidence" Shermer means a situation in which data from a variety of different fields all point to a specific factual conclusion. Shermer argues that there are eighteen kinds of data that converge on the fact of the Holocaust: five testimonies, four Nazi speeches, blueprints of the crematoria, photos of dead inmates, more testimonies, Zyklon B orders, Eichmann's confession, postwar statements of the German government, and many missing Jews (p. 118). No, the list does not add up to eighteen, and no, we are not making fun of Shermer's argument: this is exactly what he says, except that by the end of his litany the eighteen kinds of data have become eighteen proofs "all converging on one conclusion."
There are at least three things wrong with Shermer's argument. The first problem is that if we accept the word "Holocaust" as a rubric to describe everything that happened to Jewish people in the Second World War we immediately run into a problem of relating the disparate parts to each other. For example, it is well known that thousands of dead persons were photographed by the Americans and the British in such camps as Bergen Belsen, Buchenwald, and Dachau: these photographs prove that there were many dead, Jews and others, in these camps when they were captured, nothing more. Sophisticated exponents of the Holocaust are in agreement with revisionists that such evidence has no bearing on what did or did not happen in alleged "extermination" camps such as Auschwitz or Treblinka.
The second problem is that the evidence does not necessarily converge on the stated conclusions. For example, when discussing the mass gassing claim, Shermer argues that we know mass gassings took place because of (1) testimonies, (2) blueprints of crematoria, (3) Zyklon B traces, (4) photographs, ground level and (5) aerial, and (6) existing ruins. But these categories of evidence provide distinctly different levels of evidentiary value. The testimonies, as is well known, are frequently implausible, were generated at a time when gassing stories had been widely disseminated, and were given before courts committed to upholding the gassing claim. The blueprints, on the other hand, only show that crematoria were planned. The existence of Zyklon B traces, in camps where the product was widely used for disinfection, is automatically moot. The ground level photos show piles of dead bodies. The aerial photos prove that crematoria were built. The ruins provide evidence that delousing stations, as well as crematoria, were built. None of the non-testimonial classes of evidence would necessarily lead to a conclusion that mass gassings took place, while the testimony itself remains unreliable.
Shermer's "convergence of evidence" argument appears to be rather that, if various classes of evidence do not contradict the central assertion, these other classes of evidence corroborate, or converge, on that central conclusion. In the same way, an old woman in the seventeenth century could have been shown to have gamboled in a midnight glade with Satan -- and then been burned at the stake, so long as a broom and a cat were produced.
The third problem with Shermer's "convergence" model is that by returning again and again to rather weak categories of evidence -- such as eyewitness stories, aerial photos, cans of Zyklon, the use of the word "Ausrottung" (extirpation) in public speeches -- he passes over the enormous gap in the documentary record. It is precisely this documentary gap -- the absence of any reliable documentation at any level that points to homicidal gassing, and the absence of documentation to indicate that the Third Reich was pursuing a policy of exterminating all Jews -- that leads people to the revisionist perspective.---"
2005-01-05, 12:05
#3
Nizkors dokumentation bör också finnas tillgänglig när man gör en analys av vad som egentligen tilldrog sig i lägret Lublin-Majdanek:
http://www.vex.net/~nizkor/hweb/camps/maidanek/
Baksidestexten på Mattognos och Grafs bok lyder på följande vis:
"Amazingly, little scientific investigation has been directed toward the
concentration camp Lublin-Majdanek in eastern Poland, even though
orthodox Holocaust sources claim that between fi fty thousand and over
a million Jews were murdered there. The only information available
from public libraries was thoroughly discredited propaganda written
mostly by Polish Communists.
This glaring research gap has fi nally been fi lled. After exhaustive research
of primary sources and a thorough exploration of the physical
remainders of the former concentration camp, Mattogno and Graf created
a monumental study, which expertly dissects and repudiates the
myth of homicidal gas chambers at Majdanek. They also investigated
the legendary mass executions of Jews in tank trenches (“Operation
Harvest Festival”) critically and proved them groundless. Finally, by
relying on primary documentation, they managed to determine quite
accurately the real death toll of this camp.
The authors’ investigations lead to unambiguous conclusions about the
camp which are radically different from the offi cial theses: Majdanek
was not an ‘extermination camp’, but a labor camp, and the vast
majority of inmates who died during their incarceration succumbed
to diseases rather than wanton killings.
Again they have produced a standard and methodical investigative
work which authentic historiography can not ignore."
I den sv. övers. av Hilbergs standardverk The Destruction of the European Jews som jag har tillgång till nämns Lublin-Majdanek en enda gång, helt i förbigående...mycket märkligt. Och i Padfields 650-sidiga Himmlerbiografi nämns Majdanek två gånger på en resp. två rader, även det följaktligen utan minsta historievetenskapliga relevans. Underligt, med ett läger vars blotta omnämnande symboliserar och suggererar sådan outsäglig fasa och grymhet!
Att det var hårt att vistas i Majdanek råder inget tvivel om, men det var bolsjevikerna som intog Majdanek, det var de som spred den första informationen och propagandan, och jag har en bestämd känsla av att fler kommunistiska koncentrationsläger än Kolyma borde ha en betydligt större roll i den historieskrivning som i första hand vädjar till människornas hjärtan och nerver än vad som nu är fallet. Är det någon som ens på rak arm kan nämna fem sovjetiska läger? Eller ett kinesiskt? Men åter till huvudspåret Majdanek, i följande inlägg tänkte jag uppmärksamma hur den officiella historien om Majdanek växte fram.
http://www.vex.net/~nizkor/hweb/camps/maidanek/
Baksidestexten på Mattognos och Grafs bok lyder på följande vis:
"Amazingly, little scientific investigation has been directed toward the
concentration camp Lublin-Majdanek in eastern Poland, even though
orthodox Holocaust sources claim that between fi fty thousand and over
a million Jews were murdered there. The only information available
from public libraries was thoroughly discredited propaganda written
mostly by Polish Communists.
This glaring research gap has fi nally been fi lled. After exhaustive research
of primary sources and a thorough exploration of the physical
remainders of the former concentration camp, Mattogno and Graf created
a monumental study, which expertly dissects and repudiates the
myth of homicidal gas chambers at Majdanek. They also investigated
the legendary mass executions of Jews in tank trenches (“Operation
Harvest Festival”) critically and proved them groundless. Finally, by
relying on primary documentation, they managed to determine quite
accurately the real death toll of this camp.
The authors’ investigations lead to unambiguous conclusions about the
camp which are radically different from the offi cial theses: Majdanek
was not an ‘extermination camp’, but a labor camp, and the vast
majority of inmates who died during their incarceration succumbed
to diseases rather than wanton killings.
Again they have produced a standard and methodical investigative
work which authentic historiography can not ignore."
I den sv. övers. av Hilbergs standardverk The Destruction of the European Jews som jag har tillgång till nämns Lublin-Majdanek en enda gång, helt i förbigående...mycket märkligt. Och i Padfields 650-sidiga Himmlerbiografi nämns Majdanek två gånger på en resp. två rader, även det följaktligen utan minsta historievetenskapliga relevans. Underligt, med ett läger vars blotta omnämnande symboliserar och suggererar sådan outsäglig fasa och grymhet!
Att det var hårt att vistas i Majdanek råder inget tvivel om, men det var bolsjevikerna som intog Majdanek, det var de som spred den första informationen och propagandan, och jag har en bestämd känsla av att fler kommunistiska koncentrationsläger än Kolyma borde ha en betydligt större roll i den historieskrivning som i första hand vädjar till människornas hjärtan och nerver än vad som nu är fallet. Är det någon som ens på rak arm kan nämna fem sovjetiska läger? Eller ett kinesiskt? Men åter till huvudspåret Majdanek, i följande inlägg tänkte jag uppmärksamma hur den officiella historien om Majdanek växte fram.
2005-01-05, 12:28
#4
Majdanekstudien av Graf och Mattogno citeras nedan som textfil, fr.o.m. s.161, där de undersöker uppkomsten av föreställningen om Majdanek som ett "utrotningsläger med gaskammare". Relevanta frågor ställs och för den censurivrande ortodoxin obekväma fakta förevisas:
"Homicidal Gassings: Genesis and Reasons for the Charge
1. Origins of the Homicidal Gassing Story
Having determined that the alleged extermination facilities in Majdanek
were not technically suitable for mass destruction of human beings with poison gas, and consequently that such a mass destruction never took place, the question remaining to be answered is: how did this story come about?
To answer this, we must examine the relevant wartime sources.
In his book Il campo della sterminio (The Extermination Camp), which we
have already quoted repeatedly, Constantino Simonov wrote:442
“There is no doubt that rumors about the existence of the camp as such, as
death camp, inevitably circulated among the inhabitants of the surrounding areas, but this did not worry the Germans. They felt quite at home in Poland. To them, the ‘General Government Poland’ was a region conquered for all time. Those who had remained alive within its boundaries were supposed to regard the Germans with fear, first and foremost, and for this reason the gruesome reports about the Lublin camp that made the rounds throughout Poland were almost welcomed by the Germans. On those days when mass exterminations took place, the stench of corpses spread throughout the environs of the camp; it forced the camp’s inhabitants to plug their noses with handkerchiefs, and plunged the area’s population into fear and terror. This was supposed to imbue all of Poland with a sense of the power of the German rulers, and of the horrors awaiting anyone who dared offer up resistance. The pillar of smoke rising for weeks, even months from the tall smokestack of the main Crematorium could be seen from afar, but the Germans did not care about this either. Just like the stench from the bodies, this horrible smoke was also used to spread terror. Many thousands of people, seeing all this, marched along the road to Chelm, and once they had passed through the gate to the Lublin camp they never returned; this too must have been an effective demonstration of the German power, which could indulge in anything it wanted without having to account
to anyone.”
No doubt this lurid propaganda image would necessarily have been accurate
if Majdanek had really been an ‘extermination camp’, especially if
homicidal gassings had taken place there. Elsewhere Simonov contradicts what he writes here, and claims instead: “At night, the tractors roared in the camp; they were being run on purpose to drown out the rattle of the submachine guns and the screams of the people who were shot.” (p. 16.)
As we have already pointed out, the entire grounds of the camp were completely open, and the camp itself was surrounded by the towns Dzesi..ta,
Abramowice, Kosminek and Kalinowka as well as the Lublin-Che..m-Zamo....-
Lwów road. Any mass murders actually taking place in Majdanek could not
have been kept secret, particularly—but not only—because of the steady flow of information leaving the camp on a daily basis and by various means:
– Reports by released inmates (approximately 20,000 of them!).444 Most of
these were Poles who had been arrested and sent to the camp in the course
of police raids, on suspicion of being members of the Resistance. Many of
these prisoners were released again after a short time.
– Letters and secret messages smuggled out of the camp by the inmates (cf.
Chapter III).
– Reports by the free civilian laborers employed in the camp. We have already
seen in Chapter I how numerous these were in Majdanek.
– Reports by the food suppliers who came to the camp every day with their
wares.
All the information obtained via these channels was collected by the local
cells of the secret Polish Resistance Movement and passed on to the “Delegatura”.
A few words about this: In September 1939, Poland was overrun by German armed forces in the west and by Soviets in the east, and vanished as an independent national entity. The government went into exile in London.
An underground shadow government, subordinate to the government-inexile
in London, was set up: the Delegatura Rz..du (stand-in government). The
Delegatura supplied its London contacts with an unbroken flow of news about
the situation in Poland. Naturally it worked closely with other illegal organizations, especially with the Armija Krajowa (AK, national army), i.e., with the armed Resistance. Even though tens of thousands of members and helpers of the Resistance were arrested, the Germans never succeeded in completely halting its activities. It goes without saying that the Delegatura took especial interest in the occupation power’s concentration camps from the start, and strove to find out what was going on in them.
The news collected in these ways were summarized by the Delegatura in
official reports and published in various press organs, including that of the
It must be pointed out that the number of 20,000 released inmates is quite impossible to reconcile with the image of the “extermination camp”. Each of these released inmates would have observed mass murders or at least heard about them from fellow prisoners. The news of the massacres would have spread like wildfire throughout Poland, and from there through all
of Europe! The very same historians that expect us to believe this also tell us that the National Socialists used code words in their documents to cover up their atrocities. What on earth would have been the point of these amateurish attempts at camouflage in light of the fact that the Germans continually released eyewitnesses to the alleged genocide?"
"Homicidal Gassings: Genesis and Reasons for the Charge
1. Origins of the Homicidal Gassing Story
Having determined that the alleged extermination facilities in Majdanek
were not technically suitable for mass destruction of human beings with poison gas, and consequently that such a mass destruction never took place, the question remaining to be answered is: how did this story come about?
To answer this, we must examine the relevant wartime sources.
In his book Il campo della sterminio (The Extermination Camp), which we
have already quoted repeatedly, Constantino Simonov wrote:442
“There is no doubt that rumors about the existence of the camp as such, as
death camp, inevitably circulated among the inhabitants of the surrounding areas, but this did not worry the Germans. They felt quite at home in Poland. To them, the ‘General Government Poland’ was a region conquered for all time. Those who had remained alive within its boundaries were supposed to regard the Germans with fear, first and foremost, and for this reason the gruesome reports about the Lublin camp that made the rounds throughout Poland were almost welcomed by the Germans. On those days when mass exterminations took place, the stench of corpses spread throughout the environs of the camp; it forced the camp’s inhabitants to plug their noses with handkerchiefs, and plunged the area’s population into fear and terror. This was supposed to imbue all of Poland with a sense of the power of the German rulers, and of the horrors awaiting anyone who dared offer up resistance. The pillar of smoke rising for weeks, even months from the tall smokestack of the main Crematorium could be seen from afar, but the Germans did not care about this either. Just like the stench from the bodies, this horrible smoke was also used to spread terror. Many thousands of people, seeing all this, marched along the road to Chelm, and once they had passed through the gate to the Lublin camp they never returned; this too must have been an effective demonstration of the German power, which could indulge in anything it wanted without having to account
to anyone.”
No doubt this lurid propaganda image would necessarily have been accurate
if Majdanek had really been an ‘extermination camp’, especially if
homicidal gassings had taken place there. Elsewhere Simonov contradicts what he writes here, and claims instead: “At night, the tractors roared in the camp; they were being run on purpose to drown out the rattle of the submachine guns and the screams of the people who were shot.” (p. 16.)
As we have already pointed out, the entire grounds of the camp were completely open, and the camp itself was surrounded by the towns Dzesi..ta,
Abramowice, Kosminek and Kalinowka as well as the Lublin-Che..m-Zamo....-
Lwów road. Any mass murders actually taking place in Majdanek could not
have been kept secret, particularly—but not only—because of the steady flow of information leaving the camp on a daily basis and by various means:
– Reports by released inmates (approximately 20,000 of them!).444 Most of
these were Poles who had been arrested and sent to the camp in the course
of police raids, on suspicion of being members of the Resistance. Many of
these prisoners were released again after a short time.
– Letters and secret messages smuggled out of the camp by the inmates (cf.
Chapter III).
– Reports by the free civilian laborers employed in the camp. We have already
seen in Chapter I how numerous these were in Majdanek.
– Reports by the food suppliers who came to the camp every day with their
wares.
All the information obtained via these channels was collected by the local
cells of the secret Polish Resistance Movement and passed on to the “Delegatura”.
A few words about this: In September 1939, Poland was overrun by German armed forces in the west and by Soviets in the east, and vanished as an independent national entity. The government went into exile in London.
An underground shadow government, subordinate to the government-inexile
in London, was set up: the Delegatura Rz..du (stand-in government). The
Delegatura supplied its London contacts with an unbroken flow of news about
the situation in Poland. Naturally it worked closely with other illegal organizations, especially with the Armija Krajowa (AK, national army), i.e., with the armed Resistance. Even though tens of thousands of members and helpers of the Resistance were arrested, the Germans never succeeded in completely halting its activities. It goes without saying that the Delegatura took especial interest in the occupation power’s concentration camps from the start, and strove to find out what was going on in them.
The news collected in these ways were summarized by the Delegatura in
official reports and published in various press organs, including that of the
It must be pointed out that the number of 20,000 released inmates is quite impossible to reconcile with the image of the “extermination camp”. Each of these released inmates would have observed mass murders or at least heard about them from fellow prisoners. The news of the massacres would have spread like wildfire throughout Poland, and from there through all
of Europe! The very same historians that expect us to believe this also tell us that the National Socialists used code words in their documents to cover up their atrocities. What on earth would have been the point of these amateurish attempts at camouflage in light of the fact that the Germans continually released eyewitnesses to the alleged genocide?"
2005-01-05, 12:57
#5
Redogörelser från polska uppgiftslämnare om tillståndet i arbetslägret Majdanek vintern 1943:
"The authors of these reports repeatedly commented in a decidedly critical
tone on the behavior of the Jews in the Lublin camp. On February 6, 1943, for example, a report states with reference to the Czech-Jewish functionary inmates that they were particularly cruel to the prisoners; on February 25,
1943, it is reported that the criminal German inmates and the Jews beat and
tortured their fellow inmates on the flimsiest of pretexts,453 and a report from March 31, 1943, refers to the “camp terror”, a “Jewish boy” and “the Commandant’s darling” who enjoyed unlimited rights to beat people and who
made full use of this privilege. (This was a young Jewish sadist named
Bubis, whom many witnesses also mentioned.)
On April 1, 1943, the arrival of a large number of Jews from western
Europe is noted. Also, many western Jews arrived from Treblinka and Be..-
..ec. Since official historiography states that Be....ec was already shut down
in December 1942, this latter claim is rather odd. On May 5, 1943, the informant reported that sick people were being murdered
en masse in Majdanek, via lethal injections given in the crematorium,
whereupon their bodies were immediately burned. Between December 20,
1942, and May 5, 1943, the Delegatura disseminated a total of 25 reports
about Majdanek. Not one of them mentioned gassings.
Despite its considerable length, one of these reports—titled “Location and
Organization of the Camp, Inmates and Living Conditions, Camp Life, Jews
and Poles in the Camp, Inmate Transports”—is reproduced in the following
almost in its entirety; we only omit the final section, which adds no further information relevant to Majdanek. The report is undated, but according to its
publishers it is from late January or early February 1943:
“The Concentration Camp in Lublin.
Location. The concentration camp in Lublin is located in the suburb of Majdanek, three to four kilometers distant from the old part of the city. It is located along the road leading to Che..m and covers an extensive territory which is occupied by the army and borders immediately on the road. A side road crosses the camp and leads to the village Piaski, which civilians can only reach with a permit. Numerous housing and other barracks (probably storehouse magazines) have been set up to either side of this road, some of them standing alone, others in groups and surrounded by barbed wire barriers. The ground has been levelled over the entire area, and further barracks are being built. The camp is on the left side of the aforementioned village road, close to it and approximately 1.5 km from the road to
Che..m, on a tract of land occupied by the army. Appearance of the Camp: The camp is divided into three separate but adjoining compounds surrounded by a double barbed-wire fence 3 m high. Inside the fence a barbed wire net has been strung up, and the wire is under high voltage—at least that is what the warning signs say. Along the camp fence, especially where it
curves, there are numerous wooden towers with crows’ nests for guards and machine guns. On the inside, parallel to the fence, each Compound is surrounded by a single wire marking the proximity to the nearby fence. The first two Compounds are built up with two rows of barracks, with 11 barracks per row; the space between the rows is approximately 70 m wide and is used for gatherings.[457] Compound 3 has only one row of barracks. The crematorium is located at the edge of Compound 1.[458] On each Compound, two (sideline) barracks are used as stations, one for administrative purposes, and one as kitchen; the prisoners are housed in the rest.
Inmates. From the time of the camp’s establishment—which was soon after the Germans captured Lublin—the camp served to detain Jews from the vicinity, but also some that were brought in from Warsaw and other places. Later, Poles were also imprisoned there—for a limited time, for example for failing to meet their supply obligations, etc. At that time the camp was run as a penal and labor camp, and the inmates were put to all kinds of work. After the war with the Soviets broke out, Soviet prisoners of war arrived. Some time ago there were only Jews in the camp—about 2,000 of them. In early January [1943] the first transport of Poles arrived in the camp; there were about 3,000, and they had come from the provincial
prisons. After January 18, further transports from Warsaw and other cities
began to arrive. By the end of January there were approximately 3,000 Jews,
2,000 Jewesses and roughly 5,000 Poles—about 3,000 of them women—in the
camp. At full capacity, the camp can hold up to 30,000 people.
Living Conditions. The barracks are series-produced. They were initially intended as horse stables, and their conversion to accommodations for human beings remains incomplete. In only a few of them, three-story wood-slat constructions have been set up as makeshift plank beds. In most of the barracks the inmates sleep on straw pallets spread out on the wooden floor. The barracks are not very wind-proof; for heating, 4 small iron stoves are installed, but the fuel rations are so small that they suffice for heating three hours a day at most. For that reason, the temperature inside the barracks is somewhat lower than that outside. The straw pallets are padded quite insufficiently, and long-term inmates are given a blanket. So far the Poles have not received blankets; in several barracks ten to twenty spare blankets were available, but they were so louse-infested that no-one
wanted them. On the other hand, the barracks are fairly well lit; the electric lights are turned out at night. The barracks are old; before the Poles arrived they were not disinfected, consequently they are incredibly dirty and crawling with lice. The unsanitary conditions are aggravated by the open boxes at the end of the barracks into which the inmates relieve themselves at night when no-one is allowed to step outside. The unsanitary conditions are worsened further by the complete lack of water. The few
wells on the camp grounds are closed, as they are said to have been contaminated by the typhus epidemic that raged in the camp recently. As a result, there is no water for washing or even for drinking; the one well by the kitchen provides at most one or two buckets of water for more than 400 people, and the dishes must be washed in that first. Due to this lack of water, the inmates—especially the new arrivals who have not yet received anything to eat on their first day in the camp— quench their thirst with snow, which they sometimes melt for that purpose. There can be no talk of washing; some people rub themselves down with snow, while the
women use tea to wash themselves. At mealtimes, tin bowls are handed out, one per four or so inmates, because water is not the only thing in short supply—time is too (meals are distributed in a great hurry). Therefore the inmates perforce eat one after another, without washing the bowls in-between or even wiping them out with paper (for there is none of that either). All meals are eaten in the barracks; the soup is brought in air-tight pots so that they do not get cold. The inmates receive neither knives (there is only one knife per barrack) nor spoons, so that they must make do with their fingers, with pieces of wood, etc. All this creates ideal conditions
for the spread of all sorts of diseases, particularly when one considers that
the camp has no infirmary at all and that the sick inmates share the barracks with the healthy. It must also be noted that between 400 and 500 people live in one barrack.
Camp life. Reveille is at 4:30 a.m., but the inmates may not leave the barracks for fully one hour (until the lights are on in the camp). Roll-call is twice daily, at 6:30 a.m. and 2:30 p.m.; the red lights go on at 7:00 p.m., and from that point on it is forbidden to leave the barracks. Bed times are not precisely fixed; they are determined by the rules in each barrack, which is set by the Barracks Elder. Previously, rations were quite meager but recently they have improved and are of better quality than they were, for example in the POW camps in 1940. At about 6:00 a.m. the inmates receive half a liter of barley soup (peppermint-flavored herb tea two
days a week). For lunch at 1:00 p.m. half a liter of fairly nutritious soup is given out which has even been thickened with fat or flour. The evening meal is at 5:00 p.m. and consists of 200 g bread with a spread (jam, cheese or margarine, 300 g sausage twice weekly) and half a liter barley soup or soup made from the flour of unpeeled potatoes. Potatoes are passed out individually, a few per person."
"The authors of these reports repeatedly commented in a decidedly critical
tone on the behavior of the Jews in the Lublin camp. On February 6, 1943, for example, a report states with reference to the Czech-Jewish functionary inmates that they were particularly cruel to the prisoners; on February 25,
1943, it is reported that the criminal German inmates and the Jews beat and
tortured their fellow inmates on the flimsiest of pretexts,453 and a report from March 31, 1943, refers to the “camp terror”, a “Jewish boy” and “the Commandant’s darling” who enjoyed unlimited rights to beat people and who
made full use of this privilege. (This was a young Jewish sadist named
Bubis, whom many witnesses also mentioned.)
On April 1, 1943, the arrival of a large number of Jews from western
Europe is noted. Also, many western Jews arrived from Treblinka and Be..-
..ec. Since official historiography states that Be....ec was already shut down
in December 1942, this latter claim is rather odd. On May 5, 1943, the informant reported that sick people were being murdered
en masse in Majdanek, via lethal injections given in the crematorium,
whereupon their bodies were immediately burned. Between December 20,
1942, and May 5, 1943, the Delegatura disseminated a total of 25 reports
about Majdanek. Not one of them mentioned gassings.
Despite its considerable length, one of these reports—titled “Location and
Organization of the Camp, Inmates and Living Conditions, Camp Life, Jews
and Poles in the Camp, Inmate Transports”—is reproduced in the following
almost in its entirety; we only omit the final section, which adds no further information relevant to Majdanek. The report is undated, but according to its
publishers it is from late January or early February 1943:
“The Concentration Camp in Lublin.
Location. The concentration camp in Lublin is located in the suburb of Majdanek, three to four kilometers distant from the old part of the city. It is located along the road leading to Che..m and covers an extensive territory which is occupied by the army and borders immediately on the road. A side road crosses the camp and leads to the village Piaski, which civilians can only reach with a permit. Numerous housing and other barracks (probably storehouse magazines) have been set up to either side of this road, some of them standing alone, others in groups and surrounded by barbed wire barriers. The ground has been levelled over the entire area, and further barracks are being built. The camp is on the left side of the aforementioned village road, close to it and approximately 1.5 km from the road to
Che..m, on a tract of land occupied by the army. Appearance of the Camp: The camp is divided into three separate but adjoining compounds surrounded by a double barbed-wire fence 3 m high. Inside the fence a barbed wire net has been strung up, and the wire is under high voltage—at least that is what the warning signs say. Along the camp fence, especially where it
curves, there are numerous wooden towers with crows’ nests for guards and machine guns. On the inside, parallel to the fence, each Compound is surrounded by a single wire marking the proximity to the nearby fence. The first two Compounds are built up with two rows of barracks, with 11 barracks per row; the space between the rows is approximately 70 m wide and is used for gatherings.[457] Compound 3 has only one row of barracks. The crematorium is located at the edge of Compound 1.[458] On each Compound, two (sideline) barracks are used as stations, one for administrative purposes, and one as kitchen; the prisoners are housed in the rest.
Inmates. From the time of the camp’s establishment—which was soon after the Germans captured Lublin—the camp served to detain Jews from the vicinity, but also some that were brought in from Warsaw and other places. Later, Poles were also imprisoned there—for a limited time, for example for failing to meet their supply obligations, etc. At that time the camp was run as a penal and labor camp, and the inmates were put to all kinds of work. After the war with the Soviets broke out, Soviet prisoners of war arrived. Some time ago there were only Jews in the camp—about 2,000 of them. In early January [1943] the first transport of Poles arrived in the camp; there were about 3,000, and they had come from the provincial
prisons. After January 18, further transports from Warsaw and other cities
began to arrive. By the end of January there were approximately 3,000 Jews,
2,000 Jewesses and roughly 5,000 Poles—about 3,000 of them women—in the
camp. At full capacity, the camp can hold up to 30,000 people.
Living Conditions. The barracks are series-produced. They were initially intended as horse stables, and their conversion to accommodations for human beings remains incomplete. In only a few of them, three-story wood-slat constructions have been set up as makeshift plank beds. In most of the barracks the inmates sleep on straw pallets spread out on the wooden floor. The barracks are not very wind-proof; for heating, 4 small iron stoves are installed, but the fuel rations are so small that they suffice for heating three hours a day at most. For that reason, the temperature inside the barracks is somewhat lower than that outside. The straw pallets are padded quite insufficiently, and long-term inmates are given a blanket. So far the Poles have not received blankets; in several barracks ten to twenty spare blankets were available, but they were so louse-infested that no-one
wanted them. On the other hand, the barracks are fairly well lit; the electric lights are turned out at night. The barracks are old; before the Poles arrived they were not disinfected, consequently they are incredibly dirty and crawling with lice. The unsanitary conditions are aggravated by the open boxes at the end of the barracks into which the inmates relieve themselves at night when no-one is allowed to step outside. The unsanitary conditions are worsened further by the complete lack of water. The few
wells on the camp grounds are closed, as they are said to have been contaminated by the typhus epidemic that raged in the camp recently. As a result, there is no water for washing or even for drinking; the one well by the kitchen provides at most one or two buckets of water for more than 400 people, and the dishes must be washed in that first. Due to this lack of water, the inmates—especially the new arrivals who have not yet received anything to eat on their first day in the camp— quench their thirst with snow, which they sometimes melt for that purpose. There can be no talk of washing; some people rub themselves down with snow, while the
women use tea to wash themselves. At mealtimes, tin bowls are handed out, one per four or so inmates, because water is not the only thing in short supply—time is too (meals are distributed in a great hurry). Therefore the inmates perforce eat one after another, without washing the bowls in-between or even wiping them out with paper (for there is none of that either). All meals are eaten in the barracks; the soup is brought in air-tight pots so that they do not get cold. The inmates receive neither knives (there is only one knife per barrack) nor spoons, so that they must make do with their fingers, with pieces of wood, etc. All this creates ideal conditions
for the spread of all sorts of diseases, particularly when one considers that
the camp has no infirmary at all and that the sick inmates share the barracks with the healthy. It must also be noted that between 400 and 500 people live in one barrack.
Camp life. Reveille is at 4:30 a.m., but the inmates may not leave the barracks for fully one hour (until the lights are on in the camp). Roll-call is twice daily, at 6:30 a.m. and 2:30 p.m.; the red lights go on at 7:00 p.m., and from that point on it is forbidden to leave the barracks. Bed times are not precisely fixed; they are determined by the rules in each barrack, which is set by the Barracks Elder. Previously, rations were quite meager but recently they have improved and are of better quality than they were, for example in the POW camps in 1940. At about 6:00 a.m. the inmates receive half a liter of barley soup (peppermint-flavored herb tea two
days a week). For lunch at 1:00 p.m. half a liter of fairly nutritious soup is given out which has even been thickened with fat or flour. The evening meal is at 5:00 p.m. and consists of 200 g bread with a spread (jam, cheese or margarine, 300 g sausage twice weekly) and half a liter barley soup or soup made from the flour of unpeeled potatoes. Potatoes are passed out individually, a few per person."
2005-01-05, 13:34
#6
Fortsättning av polska informatörers beskrivning av Majdanek 1943:
"Camp organization is managed by the SS Death’s Head Units, which incidentally are not very strong, numerically speaking; they fill the leadership positions and do duty on the guard towers. A division of Ukrainians and former Soviet prisoners-of-war who chose the German side serve as their auxiliary troops. The latter (the former Soviet POWs) are detailed to guard duty outside the fence, and to escort duty for arriving transports—at least for Polish ones—but they do not enter the camp themselves. From the way they handle their weapons and particularly from their behavior one may conclude that they do not have live ammunition. They do their duty indifferently, their behavior towards the Poles is not marked by animosity
but they are ruthless towards the Jews. The SS-men in the camp only do
roll-calls, spot-checks etc. The real thugs are the so-called Kapos, of which there are four in Majdanek.[460] They are Germans, themselves prisoners, who have been convicted for Communist activities or criminal misdemeanors. They are set apart from their fellow prisoners by their colorful clothing: long boots, red cloth pants (Communists) or green pants (criminals), blue jackets with the letters ‘KL’ painted in red on the back, a ribbon on one shoulder bearing the word ‘Kapo’ (black on white), a number on their chest and beneath it a triangle of the same color as their pants; they always carry leather truncheons, impose punishments and keep order in the
camps, supervise the work, etc.; they must greet the German soldiers by taking off their caps. The Kapos are assisted by a house-elder, nominated for each barrack, who is dressed like all the other inmates but wears a ribbon on the left (text: St.Al. on a yellow background). Their job is to keep order in the barracks and to supervise the people. They live in the barracks, where they and their helpers have special plank beds, and they are authorized to impose on-the-spot punishments, for which they also use the truncheons or thick sticks.
There is another intermediary rank between the Kapos and the house-elders
whose role is not precisely defined. In Majdanek this function is served by a 15-year-old Jewish boy who is dressed like a Kapo but whose ribbon reads ‘V’ [= Vorarbeiter, foreman]. He seems to be the protege of the camp Commandant, who has created this function just for him. Recently one of the Poles received a similar ribbon. The last group that is different than the rest is the functionary inmates, who are employed in the kitchens, the office etc. They have separate quarters, enjoy better food and housing, and join the house-elders for roll call. Among the outsiders in Majdanek are the food merchants, who are admitted after showing their passes. They come every day with their carts. They have the opportunity to bring the prisoners the current news, cigarettes and even food. The Jews in Majdanek are treated brutally and inhumanely. They wear inmates’ clothing with white and blue belts as well as caps, and beneath the number
on their chest (to date the numbers go up to 16,000) they wear a star. The clothing, made of hemp, offers little protection from the cold, and they have almost no warm underwear. All of them wear shoes with wooden soles. The Jews are used for all kinds of work, and the block wardens and Kapos urge them on with blows and kicks. They must take off their cap to every German, even a Kapo. Their demeanor is strangely passive; they do their work stoically and even bear the blows meekly; they do not try to avoid these, but lie down on the ground and play dead, which usually results in them being badly beaten. The sick who are still able to work are made to do so just like the healthy; in any case, every one must line up for roll call or be carried out for this purpose, even the dead.
Mortality among the Jews is enormously high and was especially so during the typhus epidemic that recently raged. On average, 10 to 12 die per day. At present all Jews are quartered in Compounds I and II. Since the Poles who were arrested during the raids in Warsaw have arrived, only Jews serve as working inmates.
The Poles. The first transports of Poles arrived in early January. Prisoners
were brought in from a number of provincial prisons (Kielce, Radom, Piotrkow), 800 people altogether, and were quartered in Compound II. They were registered but received no inmate clothing (they sewed their numbers onto their clothing and caps) and were not relieved of their possessions. They were put into barracks; the Block Leader of one is a Jew and that of another is a Pole who recently received his own ribbon with the letters ‘SV’ [=Sicherheitsverwahrung, Security]. Lately they have been put to work on various tasks in the camp. But they are not treated as cruelly as the Jews; they are not tortured. Just recently, approximately 150 skilled laborers and strong-looking persons were selected from among them and transferred to Compound II, where they were given inmate clothing, allowed to
bathe and—apparently—told that they were to become skilled laborers for the camp and receive better rations, but if someone (who?) were to suggest to them that they should travel to Germany to work there, they should refuse, because they were needed in the camp."
"Camp organization is managed by the SS Death’s Head Units, which incidentally are not very strong, numerically speaking; they fill the leadership positions and do duty on the guard towers. A division of Ukrainians and former Soviet prisoners-of-war who chose the German side serve as their auxiliary troops. The latter (the former Soviet POWs) are detailed to guard duty outside the fence, and to escort duty for arriving transports—at least for Polish ones—but they do not enter the camp themselves. From the way they handle their weapons and particularly from their behavior one may conclude that they do not have live ammunition. They do their duty indifferently, their behavior towards the Poles is not marked by animosity
but they are ruthless towards the Jews. The SS-men in the camp only do
roll-calls, spot-checks etc. The real thugs are the so-called Kapos, of which there are four in Majdanek.[460] They are Germans, themselves prisoners, who have been convicted for Communist activities or criminal misdemeanors. They are set apart from their fellow prisoners by their colorful clothing: long boots, red cloth pants (Communists) or green pants (criminals), blue jackets with the letters ‘KL’ painted in red on the back, a ribbon on one shoulder bearing the word ‘Kapo’ (black on white), a number on their chest and beneath it a triangle of the same color as their pants; they always carry leather truncheons, impose punishments and keep order in the
camps, supervise the work, etc.; they must greet the German soldiers by taking off their caps. The Kapos are assisted by a house-elder, nominated for each barrack, who is dressed like all the other inmates but wears a ribbon on the left (text: St.Al. on a yellow background). Their job is to keep order in the barracks and to supervise the people. They live in the barracks, where they and their helpers have special plank beds, and they are authorized to impose on-the-spot punishments, for which they also use the truncheons or thick sticks.
There is another intermediary rank between the Kapos and the house-elders
whose role is not precisely defined. In Majdanek this function is served by a 15-year-old Jewish boy who is dressed like a Kapo but whose ribbon reads ‘V’ [= Vorarbeiter, foreman]. He seems to be the protege of the camp Commandant, who has created this function just for him. Recently one of the Poles received a similar ribbon. The last group that is different than the rest is the functionary inmates, who are employed in the kitchens, the office etc. They have separate quarters, enjoy better food and housing, and join the house-elders for roll call. Among the outsiders in Majdanek are the food merchants, who are admitted after showing their passes. They come every day with their carts. They have the opportunity to bring the prisoners the current news, cigarettes and even food. The Jews in Majdanek are treated brutally and inhumanely. They wear inmates’ clothing with white and blue belts as well as caps, and beneath the number
on their chest (to date the numbers go up to 16,000) they wear a star. The clothing, made of hemp, offers little protection from the cold, and they have almost no warm underwear. All of them wear shoes with wooden soles. The Jews are used for all kinds of work, and the block wardens and Kapos urge them on with blows and kicks. They must take off their cap to every German, even a Kapo. Their demeanor is strangely passive; they do their work stoically and even bear the blows meekly; they do not try to avoid these, but lie down on the ground and play dead, which usually results in them being badly beaten. The sick who are still able to work are made to do so just like the healthy; in any case, every one must line up for roll call or be carried out for this purpose, even the dead.
Mortality among the Jews is enormously high and was especially so during the typhus epidemic that recently raged. On average, 10 to 12 die per day. At present all Jews are quartered in Compounds I and II. Since the Poles who were arrested during the raids in Warsaw have arrived, only Jews serve as working inmates.
The Poles. The first transports of Poles arrived in early January. Prisoners
were brought in from a number of provincial prisons (Kielce, Radom, Piotrkow), 800 people altogether, and were quartered in Compound II. They were registered but received no inmate clothing (they sewed their numbers onto their clothing and caps) and were not relieved of their possessions. They were put into barracks; the Block Leader of one is a Jew and that of another is a Pole who recently received his own ribbon with the letters ‘SV’ [=Sicherheitsverwahrung, Security]. Lately they have been put to work on various tasks in the camp. But they are not treated as cruelly as the Jews; they are not tortured. Just recently, approximately 150 skilled laborers and strong-looking persons were selected from among them and transferred to Compound II, where they were given inmate clothing, allowed to
bathe and—apparently—told that they were to become skilled laborers for the camp and receive better rations, but if someone (who?) were to suggest to them that they should travel to Germany to work there, they should refuse, because they were needed in the camp."
2005-01-05, 13:35
#7
"Further transports of Poles began to arrive as of January 18. On the 18th and 19th, two transports arrived from Warsaw, with more following; some involved only 10 to 20 people, mostly such as had been arrested during police raids, as well as inmates from provincial prisons. They filled a total of 6 barracks. So far none of them have been registered; they are treated decently and not forced to work. Aside from the roll calls, their only activity involves the gatherings at which the names of the prisoners to be released are read out. Recently even the roll calls, which had used to take an hour, have been cut short and now take even less than half an hour
when it is dark. It seems that initially the Germans had intended to register all these transports (an internal list was drawn up, with a detailed sub-listing of all the skilled manual laborers), but gradually they lost all interest in this. The transports to arrive from Warsaw are made up of very different people: they are former inmates of Pawiak,[461] inmates who had been held in the detention cells of the criminal police in Koszykowa Street (when they were brought to the camp they were assured that they would be treated like those who had been arrested during the raids), people who were picked off the streets, some who were taken out of their houses, and even tramps and beggars from the night shelters. In principle, the former Pawiak inmates have separate barracks (No. 14, initially also Nos. 10 and 11), but in practice there is no strict segregation and they can also be found in other barracks. Morale among the inmates is good; there is a general, optimistic assumption that they will be released soon, or sent out to work. It is typical that there is no antagonism to be found between the criminals and the political prisoners,
just as there is none between the intelligentsia and the common folk. Instead, there are many signs of solidarity.
The women stay on Compound III and live under the same conditions as the
men. There are many prostitutes and criminals among them.
Miscellanea. Two Polish barracks (including one for registered inmates) also
house some Jews. At first their relationship with the Poles was completely normal, but they are becoming ever more aggressive and beat the Poles (most often during roll call: in Barrack 5, the Jew Feder beat one Polish inmate, knocked out three of his teeth and then beat him bloody with a spade handle[…462]. Recently the Germans began setting up an infirmary in a barrack equipped with plank beds. Releases are done by calling out the names; the inmates in question are led aside and their identity is verified; everyone on the list is double-checked to see if he was really arrested during a raid. The released receive no documents or travel funds, but they are warned not to drop out on the way, especially in Deblin. At first
only people who worked in German institutions were released, but lately releases have been granted generously, so that employees from the municipal administration, the RGO [?] and even private companies have benefitted.
Conclusions. The lack of interest on the part of the German authorities shows
that the situation in the camp Majdanek is temporary. According to rumors originating with the camp commandant, Majdanek is a ‘distribution camp’: the approximately 70% who were arrested during raids are to be set free, the others— many of them long-term inmates—shall be sent to Germany or the East to work, and anyone who is still left will be transferred to other camps. According to other rumors circulating in the camp, Majdanek is to be expanded further, until it can hold 50,000 people, and will become another Auschwitz. This second version does not seem likely, as no preparations for such an expansion are evident. Rather, the overall picture indicates that originally the Gestapo had actually planned to set up a new Auschwitz, but that a different solution was eventually chosen, which resulted
in a certain confusion, even ambivalence, in the organization of the camp.”
We would like to correct a few errors in the text: in January 1943 there
were already 5 Compounds, not 3; the given number of barracks corresponded to the state of affairs in summer 1942 and by January 1943 had grown to 24 barracks per Compound, in double rows; in January 1943 the women were quartered on Compound 5. However, such minor points do not change the fact that this article discusses in great detail all the important issues regarding the conditions in the camp, and it is obvious that the text originated with an exceedingly wellinformed source.
It is overwhelmingly significant that this long and knowledgeable account
of the conditions and events in Majdanek contains not even the slightest suggestion of homicidal gassings. Yet according to official historiography these had already been going on for at least half a year at that time. For reasons already set out, it was impossible to gas people en masse in Majdanek without the outside world learning of it in short order; such murders could not have been kept secret for even two weeks, much less for half a year or more.
The only possible conclusion to be drawn from these facts is that between
August 1942 and January 1943 no homicidal gassings took place in Majdanek.
And with that, the entire tale of the gas chambers already collapses, for the
‘evidence’ which is offered for gassings between February and October 1943
is no better than that for gassings between August 1942 and January 1943.
The gas chamber rumors must have been started towards the end of 1942 at
the latest; the brief and completely isolated reference to “the gas chamber” in the report of December 15 of that year proves it. The Resistance Movement’s propaganda machinery seems to have dropped this again for the time being, probably due to the story’s obvious lack of credibility.
Sources quite above suspicion confirm that the Delegatura did not report
about gassings in Majdanek until it was already impossibly late.
In 1967 Ireneusz Caban and Zygmunt Mankowski wrote:463
“Documents from the Delegatura show that this organization knew in early
1943 that the camp Majdanek served not only for depriving people of their freedom but also for extermination. As we have noted above, these Delegatura documents remarked on the phenomenon of mass executions as well as on the activity of the crematorium, which was greater than would have been necessary to cremate the bodies of people who died of natural causes—whether they be malnutrition or poor sanitary conditions. But the efforts of the news service went farther than that. It was important to find out how the liquidations were being done, and to ascertain
the numbers and personal data of the victims. In May 1943, the documents record the dissolution of the infirmary and, in this context, the cremation of approximately 80 sick inmates per day. In June it was determined that gas chambers were being used to poison Jews and Poles.”
when it is dark. It seems that initially the Germans had intended to register all these transports (an internal list was drawn up, with a detailed sub-listing of all the skilled manual laborers), but gradually they lost all interest in this. The transports to arrive from Warsaw are made up of very different people: they are former inmates of Pawiak,[461] inmates who had been held in the detention cells of the criminal police in Koszykowa Street (when they were brought to the camp they were assured that they would be treated like those who had been arrested during the raids), people who were picked off the streets, some who were taken out of their houses, and even tramps and beggars from the night shelters. In principle, the former Pawiak inmates have separate barracks (No. 14, initially also Nos. 10 and 11), but in practice there is no strict segregation and they can also be found in other barracks. Morale among the inmates is good; there is a general, optimistic assumption that they will be released soon, or sent out to work. It is typical that there is no antagonism to be found between the criminals and the political prisoners,
just as there is none between the intelligentsia and the common folk. Instead, there are many signs of solidarity.
The women stay on Compound III and live under the same conditions as the
men. There are many prostitutes and criminals among them.
Miscellanea. Two Polish barracks (including one for registered inmates) also
house some Jews. At first their relationship with the Poles was completely normal, but they are becoming ever more aggressive and beat the Poles (most often during roll call: in Barrack 5, the Jew Feder beat one Polish inmate, knocked out three of his teeth and then beat him bloody with a spade handle[…462]. Recently the Germans began setting up an infirmary in a barrack equipped with plank beds. Releases are done by calling out the names; the inmates in question are led aside and their identity is verified; everyone on the list is double-checked to see if he was really arrested during a raid. The released receive no documents or travel funds, but they are warned not to drop out on the way, especially in Deblin. At first
only people who worked in German institutions were released, but lately releases have been granted generously, so that employees from the municipal administration, the RGO [?] and even private companies have benefitted.
Conclusions. The lack of interest on the part of the German authorities shows
that the situation in the camp Majdanek is temporary. According to rumors originating with the camp commandant, Majdanek is a ‘distribution camp’: the approximately 70% who were arrested during raids are to be set free, the others— many of them long-term inmates—shall be sent to Germany or the East to work, and anyone who is still left will be transferred to other camps. According to other rumors circulating in the camp, Majdanek is to be expanded further, until it can hold 50,000 people, and will become another Auschwitz. This second version does not seem likely, as no preparations for such an expansion are evident. Rather, the overall picture indicates that originally the Gestapo had actually planned to set up a new Auschwitz, but that a different solution was eventually chosen, which resulted
in a certain confusion, even ambivalence, in the organization of the camp.”
We would like to correct a few errors in the text: in January 1943 there
were already 5 Compounds, not 3; the given number of barracks corresponded to the state of affairs in summer 1942 and by January 1943 had grown to 24 barracks per Compound, in double rows; in January 1943 the women were quartered on Compound 5. However, such minor points do not change the fact that this article discusses in great detail all the important issues regarding the conditions in the camp, and it is obvious that the text originated with an exceedingly wellinformed source.
It is overwhelmingly significant that this long and knowledgeable account
of the conditions and events in Majdanek contains not even the slightest suggestion of homicidal gassings. Yet according to official historiography these had already been going on for at least half a year at that time. For reasons already set out, it was impossible to gas people en masse in Majdanek without the outside world learning of it in short order; such murders could not have been kept secret for even two weeks, much less for half a year or more.
The only possible conclusion to be drawn from these facts is that between
August 1942 and January 1943 no homicidal gassings took place in Majdanek.
And with that, the entire tale of the gas chambers already collapses, for the
‘evidence’ which is offered for gassings between February and October 1943
is no better than that for gassings between August 1942 and January 1943.
The gas chamber rumors must have been started towards the end of 1942 at
the latest; the brief and completely isolated reference to “the gas chamber” in the report of December 15 of that year proves it. The Resistance Movement’s propaganda machinery seems to have dropped this again for the time being, probably due to the story’s obvious lack of credibility.
Sources quite above suspicion confirm that the Delegatura did not report
about gassings in Majdanek until it was already impossibly late.
In 1967 Ireneusz Caban and Zygmunt Mankowski wrote:463
“Documents from the Delegatura show that this organization knew in early
1943 that the camp Majdanek served not only for depriving people of their freedom but also for extermination. As we have noted above, these Delegatura documents remarked on the phenomenon of mass executions as well as on the activity of the crematorium, which was greater than would have been necessary to cremate the bodies of people who died of natural causes—whether they be malnutrition or poor sanitary conditions. But the efforts of the news service went farther than that. It was important to find out how the liquidations were being done, and to ascertain
the numbers and personal data of the victims. In May 1943, the documents record the dissolution of the infirmary and, in this context, the cremation of approximately 80 sick inmates per day. In June it was determined that gas chambers were being used to poison Jews and Poles.”
2005-01-05, 14:21
#8
Mer om hur den officiellt sanktionerade berättelsen om Majdanek tog form:
"The date “in June” is imprecise, since the gas chamber stories already began
circulating on May 7, 1943. As of that date, the Delegatura reports make
frequent mention of gassings in Majdanek. One report for that date states that inmates were constantly being poisoned in gas chambers on the camp
grounds.464 And a long, undated report which summarizes the events of
March-May 1943 (and can therefore not have been written before early June
1943) expressly calls the Jews the main victims of gassing; we quote:465
“Suddenly, in late April, groups of 2,000 to 3,000 Jews began to be brought in: women, children and groups. They were Jews from Warsaw. They were housed on the barbed-wire-enclosed Intermediate Compound between Compounds NN 4 and 5, where piles of coal etc. lay. They were usually left sitting there for 10 to 20 hours after their arrival, for example a whole day or a whole night, with no regard to weather, rain etc. Then they were divided into groups and led to the bath. Not all transports returned from this ‘bath’.
Some of the men really were bathed, freshly dressed (of course everything they had brought with them was taken away from them) and quartered in their own barracks on separate Compounds. The rest vanished
as the transport was taken to the bath. If a transport was led to the bath at
night, it either did not return at all or came back sharply reduced in number; if it was taken there during the day, it returned in most cases. The barrack into which the people had been led was locked, and some time later naked corpses were thrown out. The windows of the Polish barracks, from which one could see this barrack, were painted on purpose so that one could not see anything. The corpses were loaded onto trucks, covered with rags, taken to fields three or four km from the camp, and burned.
The pyres burned nonstop for days; they could easily be observed from the camp grounds, since they were located lower than the camp. Screams and whimpers came from the barracks into which the Jews had been led, but these sounds were drowned out by the noise of a tractor engine that ran the entire time. Whenever this engine was heard running in the camp, the inmates knew that Jews were being poisoned. Those who observed the goings-on despite the painted windows described Dantesque scenes. People fell to their knees, kissed the Germans’ feet and boots and begged for their lives. They were herded into the barracks forcibly, with kicks and blows. Our informant was told—and she has passed this on with reservation—that some sort of tin cans were on the barrack roof while this was happening. No-one knows whether these were used to release gas, or perhaps to seal the barrack. Depending on the concentration of gas used, death occurred after one-and-a-half to seven minutes.”
The “tin cans” on the roof may be a first reference to the cans of Zyklon,
from which—according to official historiography—lethal granules were
poured into the gas chamber. On October 31, 1943, the Delegatura reported
that shipments “of some kind of new gas” had arrived in the camp.466 The authors comment that this referred to Zyklon B, 999 kg of which had been
shipped to Majdanek only shortly before. Except that Zyklon B, which was allegedly used in Majdanek since July 1942, was no longer a “new kind of gas”. On the whole, the reports written after May 7, 1943, which mention gassings do not contain any indication of Zyklon B, and the exact sequence of events constituting the murders is never described. In this context, a letter smuggled out of the camp on December 14, 1943,
by Majdanek inmate Jerzy Henryk Szcz....niewski is significant. The letter
states:467
“L[ublin] M[ajdanek] December 14, 1943, 3:00 p.m.
Dear Babunia! All my loved ones! Unexpected changes. The lights have been
turned off, we must already go to bed at 5:00 p.m., sleep until 5:30 a.m., and even dress in the dark before going to work. We do not get light until 7:30 a.m. Here inside there are no changes, but outside the compounds they’re reinforcing the camp—bunkers. During the night, Jewesses were gassed—about 100 -; they were among those who had to work in the old clothes on Compound V.” Note that these gassings of Jewesses allegedly took place at a time when, according to the verdict of the Düsseldorf Majdanek Trial, the murders in gas chambers had already ceased for one and a half months!468 Significantly enough, the Polish literature does not mention when the last gassings allegedly took place.
Now to the aforementioned two Polish exile newspapers. On May 28,
1943,469 the Dziennik Polski reported:470
“In the Majdanek camp, which is currently being expanded so that it can hold
80,000 inmates, a large number of prisoners are victims of the mass arrests and street raids which the Germans carried out in the first few months of this year. Recently the Germans officially acknowledged these prisoners as ‘prisoners of war who have been imprisoned by the Waffen-SS occupation troops’. This is further evidence that the mass raids and arrests in the large Polish cities, namely Warsaw, Lwów and Cracow, are a preventive measure aimed at arresting and imprisoning in the camps those Poles whom the Germans consider to be the most dangerous and capable of organizing the armed Resistance against the occupation power. The inmates who are considered prisoners-of-war are given especially harsh treatment in Majdanek. Mortality in the camp is increasing alarmingly as a result
of the widespread starvation, rampant diseases and the lack of any sanitary facilities. The prisoners are tormented on the flimsiest of pretexts, and even on-the-spot executions are the order of the day. News from Poland confirm that the general mood in the camp is one of desperation. In letters to their kin, inmates confirm that they do not expect to live much longer, and say their good-byes to their families. How the so-called prisoners-of-war are treated is shown most clearly by the fact that there is no water in the camp for the inmates, whereas the Germans recently set up baths for the police dogs who are specially trained to guard the prisoners and to kill any who attempt to escape.”
What is far more significant than the creative embellishments of the poor
conditions in Majdanek, which are of a particularly inspired nature in the last
paragraph, is the total absence of any mention of gas chambers—and this fully nine months after the gassing allegedly began.
The first mention of “chambers” used for mass murder comes on July 20,
1943. In Lublin, the relevant article states, large transports arrive every day;
approximately 15% of them are sent to Germany, the rest to the infamous
camp Majdanek, where massacres were taking place where the Poles were being murdered in “chambers” just as the Jews had been before.471
Two days later, on July 22, the paper in question published another report
about Majdanek in which no “chambers” were mentioned. But on July 27 it
stated that recently more than 3,000 people had been poisoned daily with gas in the course of just a few hours in Majdanek.472 One article of interest is a longer one of October 5, 1943, titled “Ponad 100 obozów koncentracyjnych w Polsce” (“More than 100 concentration
camps in Poland”).473 The article distinguishes between eight types of camps: transit camps, ordinary concentration camps, forced labor camps, camps for clergy, women’s camps, camps for Jews, camps for “improving the race”, and children’s camps. Among the camps for Jews, the article specifies Be....ec, Sobibór and “Treblinka III near Ma..kinia”, a camp which is unknown to modern historiography.
There, the article claims, Jews were murdered with poison gas, electrical
current and machine guns. The article does not state whether these camps
were still operating at the time of publication. For the category of forced labor camps, the article mentions Treblinka II, the camp which according to ‘Holocaust’ literature was the largest extermination camp for Jews second only to Auschwitz. Both “Majdanek II” and Auschwitz are listed as ordinary concentration camps, while “Majdanek I” is ranked as transitcamp. “Majdanek I” may possibly refer to the airfield camp, whence inmates were taken to the actual Majdanek camp. We invite the reader to draw his own conclusions from the fact that in October 1943, at a time when gassing had allegedly already been going on for one and a half years, this Polish exile newspaper rates Auschwitz, the greatest “extermination camp” according to ‘Holocaust’ literature, as one of the “ordinary concentration camps”."
"The date “in June” is imprecise, since the gas chamber stories already began
circulating on May 7, 1943. As of that date, the Delegatura reports make
frequent mention of gassings in Majdanek. One report for that date states that inmates were constantly being poisoned in gas chambers on the camp
grounds.464 And a long, undated report which summarizes the events of
March-May 1943 (and can therefore not have been written before early June
1943) expressly calls the Jews the main victims of gassing; we quote:465
“Suddenly, in late April, groups of 2,000 to 3,000 Jews began to be brought in: women, children and groups. They were Jews from Warsaw. They were housed on the barbed-wire-enclosed Intermediate Compound between Compounds NN 4 and 5, where piles of coal etc. lay. They were usually left sitting there for 10 to 20 hours after their arrival, for example a whole day or a whole night, with no regard to weather, rain etc. Then they were divided into groups and led to the bath. Not all transports returned from this ‘bath’.
Some of the men really were bathed, freshly dressed (of course everything they had brought with them was taken away from them) and quartered in their own barracks on separate Compounds. The rest vanished
as the transport was taken to the bath. If a transport was led to the bath at
night, it either did not return at all or came back sharply reduced in number; if it was taken there during the day, it returned in most cases. The barrack into which the people had been led was locked, and some time later naked corpses were thrown out. The windows of the Polish barracks, from which one could see this barrack, were painted on purpose so that one could not see anything. The corpses were loaded onto trucks, covered with rags, taken to fields three or four km from the camp, and burned.
The pyres burned nonstop for days; they could easily be observed from the camp grounds, since they were located lower than the camp. Screams and whimpers came from the barracks into which the Jews had been led, but these sounds were drowned out by the noise of a tractor engine that ran the entire time. Whenever this engine was heard running in the camp, the inmates knew that Jews were being poisoned. Those who observed the goings-on despite the painted windows described Dantesque scenes. People fell to their knees, kissed the Germans’ feet and boots and begged for their lives. They were herded into the barracks forcibly, with kicks and blows. Our informant was told—and she has passed this on with reservation—that some sort of tin cans were on the barrack roof while this was happening. No-one knows whether these were used to release gas, or perhaps to seal the barrack. Depending on the concentration of gas used, death occurred after one-and-a-half to seven minutes.”
The “tin cans” on the roof may be a first reference to the cans of Zyklon,
from which—according to official historiography—lethal granules were
poured into the gas chamber. On October 31, 1943, the Delegatura reported
that shipments “of some kind of new gas” had arrived in the camp.466 The authors comment that this referred to Zyklon B, 999 kg of which had been
shipped to Majdanek only shortly before. Except that Zyklon B, which was allegedly used in Majdanek since July 1942, was no longer a “new kind of gas”. On the whole, the reports written after May 7, 1943, which mention gassings do not contain any indication of Zyklon B, and the exact sequence of events constituting the murders is never described. In this context, a letter smuggled out of the camp on December 14, 1943,
by Majdanek inmate Jerzy Henryk Szcz....niewski is significant. The letter
states:467
“L[ublin] M[ajdanek] December 14, 1943, 3:00 p.m.
Dear Babunia! All my loved ones! Unexpected changes. The lights have been
turned off, we must already go to bed at 5:00 p.m., sleep until 5:30 a.m., and even dress in the dark before going to work. We do not get light until 7:30 a.m. Here inside there are no changes, but outside the compounds they’re reinforcing the camp—bunkers. During the night, Jewesses were gassed—about 100 -; they were among those who had to work in the old clothes on Compound V.” Note that these gassings of Jewesses allegedly took place at a time when, according to the verdict of the Düsseldorf Majdanek Trial, the murders in gas chambers had already ceased for one and a half months!468 Significantly enough, the Polish literature does not mention when the last gassings allegedly took place.
Now to the aforementioned two Polish exile newspapers. On May 28,
1943,469 the Dziennik Polski reported:470
“In the Majdanek camp, which is currently being expanded so that it can hold
80,000 inmates, a large number of prisoners are victims of the mass arrests and street raids which the Germans carried out in the first few months of this year. Recently the Germans officially acknowledged these prisoners as ‘prisoners of war who have been imprisoned by the Waffen-SS occupation troops’. This is further evidence that the mass raids and arrests in the large Polish cities, namely Warsaw, Lwów and Cracow, are a preventive measure aimed at arresting and imprisoning in the camps those Poles whom the Germans consider to be the most dangerous and capable of organizing the armed Resistance against the occupation power. The inmates who are considered prisoners-of-war are given especially harsh treatment in Majdanek. Mortality in the camp is increasing alarmingly as a result
of the widespread starvation, rampant diseases and the lack of any sanitary facilities. The prisoners are tormented on the flimsiest of pretexts, and even on-the-spot executions are the order of the day. News from Poland confirm that the general mood in the camp is one of desperation. In letters to their kin, inmates confirm that they do not expect to live much longer, and say their good-byes to their families. How the so-called prisoners-of-war are treated is shown most clearly by the fact that there is no water in the camp for the inmates, whereas the Germans recently set up baths for the police dogs who are specially trained to guard the prisoners and to kill any who attempt to escape.”
What is far more significant than the creative embellishments of the poor
conditions in Majdanek, which are of a particularly inspired nature in the last
paragraph, is the total absence of any mention of gas chambers—and this fully nine months after the gassing allegedly began.
The first mention of “chambers” used for mass murder comes on July 20,
1943. In Lublin, the relevant article states, large transports arrive every day;
approximately 15% of them are sent to Germany, the rest to the infamous
camp Majdanek, where massacres were taking place where the Poles were being murdered in “chambers” just as the Jews had been before.471
Two days later, on July 22, the paper in question published another report
about Majdanek in which no “chambers” were mentioned. But on July 27 it
stated that recently more than 3,000 people had been poisoned daily with gas in the course of just a few hours in Majdanek.472 One article of interest is a longer one of October 5, 1943, titled “Ponad 100 obozów koncentracyjnych w Polsce” (“More than 100 concentration
camps in Poland”).473 The article distinguishes between eight types of camps: transit camps, ordinary concentration camps, forced labor camps, camps for clergy, women’s camps, camps for Jews, camps for “improving the race”, and children’s camps. Among the camps for Jews, the article specifies Be....ec, Sobibór and “Treblinka III near Ma..kinia”, a camp which is unknown to modern historiography.
There, the article claims, Jews were murdered with poison gas, electrical
current and machine guns. The article does not state whether these camps
were still operating at the time of publication. For the category of forced labor camps, the article mentions Treblinka II, the camp which according to ‘Holocaust’ literature was the largest extermination camp for Jews second only to Auschwitz. Both “Majdanek II” and Auschwitz are listed as ordinary concentration camps, while “Majdanek I” is ranked as transitcamp. “Majdanek I” may possibly refer to the airfield camp, whence inmates were taken to the actual Majdanek camp. We invite the reader to draw his own conclusions from the fact that in October 1943, at a time when gassing had allegedly already been going on for one and a half years, this Polish exile newspaper rates Auschwitz, the greatest “extermination camp” according to ‘Holocaust’ literature, as one of the “ordinary concentration camps”."
2005-01-05, 14:37
#9
Undrar om någon öht orkar läsa igenom allt du skrivit?
2005-01-05, 15:24
#10
Citat:
Ursprungligen postat av FetFulElak
Undrar om någon öht orkar läsa igenom allt du skrivit?
Nu är det ju inte jag som skrivit det, FetFulElak, jag lägger helt enkelt fram en del material som jag just själv läst för analys, och i tråden finns även länkar till ortodoxt exterminationistiska sajter för den som vill orientera sig vidare. Huruvida någon orkar läsa det? Jo, det tror jag nog.
Och jag hoppas även på vettiga diskussioner.
2005-01-05, 18:49
#11
Framväxten av historien om Majdanek som ett "förintelseläger" börjar nu bli tydligare i konturerna, en judisk läkare vid namn Silberschein hade sällsamma saker att berätta i en bok publicerade i Genève 1944:
"Of the articles published about the Lublin camp in the Dziennik Polski i
Dziennik ..o..nierza in 1944, only one—dated August 31, shortly after the
camp’s liberation—is of any interest. This article stated that “a crematorium
and a gas chamber” had been operating in Majdanek and that mass murders
had been taking place there since spring 1943. There is no mention of any earlier gassings, and not so much as one word about the mass execution of November 3, 1943, which after all did allegedly claim 18,000 lives. We read:
“In the first days of March 1944 […] the local authorities decided that the best solution would be to gradually kill off the inmates. First and foremost the Jews, of course, but then the remaining Poles as well.”
According to the current version about Majdanek, there were virtually no
Jews left in Majdanek in March 1944, since almost all had been murdered in
November of the previous year. So, once again, a contemporaneous account of events in that camp does not in any way agree with the account that has been given modern historiography’s retrospective blessing. And again we shall
leave it to reader to decide why this is so.
The reports of Poles who had fled to allied or neutral countries abroad were
another source of information. A report published in Geneva on November 1,
1943, by a young Polish doctor [Abraham Silberschein] deserves mention here. About Majdanek, this report states:
“The camp Majdanek, guarded by the Gestapo and uniformed Ukrainians and
Lithuanians, is located in the vicinity of Lublin. Since early 1941, all Jews who
were rooted out of the various towns of Lublin District were sent to the Majdanek camp, where the Lithuanians and the Ukrainians learned the hangman’s trade on the Jews. The German masters taught their students various methods of hanging, roasting alive, or otherwise torturing people. The technique of extorting ‘confessions’ with needles shoved under the fingernails—this technique, which later was used throughout Poland, was invented in the Majdanek camp! Camp Majdanek had its attractions: in the depths of winter the Jews were dressed in paper clothing; then they were soaked in cold water and left to stand outside until they were frozen all over!
Then the character of the Majdanek camp changed, and presently it is a concentration camp for political prisoners, the second after Oswiecim. Of those who are taken there, 100% die. Lublin was a ‘reservoir’ for the German, Austrian, Czech etc. Jews. In late 1941[476] primarily Jews from Slovakia were there. Foreign Jew considered themselves superior to the Polish Jews, and even the Germans granted them better quarters and lighter work. Yes, the Germans even knew to exploit the differences between these two kinds of Jews and to place foreign Jews into ‘guard’ positions over the Polish ones.”
As we can see, this report is rife with imaginative accounts of German
atrocities—but its author knows nothing of gassings, even though these are
said to have already been going on there for more than a year at the time of
this article’s publication.
2. The Story Begins to Take Shape
In the sources we examined above, the tale of homicidal gassings begins in
a random, superficial manner. The first detailed eyewitness account of gassings was published in 1944 by Abraham Silberschein; he wrote:
“A witness who was arrested by the Germans in 1939 and was sent first to a
camp in Berlin reports about the concentration camp Lublin. In February 1941, this witness was taken back to Lublin with 2,500 prisoners and put into a special camp guarded by the SS. He remained in this camp from February 1941 until 1943, i.e., until his escape. He writes that he was a witness to the entire tragedy that played out in Lublin during this time. He witnessed the events in the ghetto as well as the destruction of the ghetto. He also witnessed how the remaining Jews were quartered in Majdan Tatarski and how this ghetto of barracks was liquidated. He guarded the camp on several occasions and came into contact with various people from the service branches and from the camp.”
We shall quote the most significant excerpts of the report supplied by this
witness; they are immensely revealing where our current subject is concerned:
“The Camp.
The camp was called a K.Z., an abbreviation of ‘Konzentrationslager’ [concentration camp]. It was more of an extermination camp, for no-one who ended up there ever left it again. The camp is located along the road leading from Lublin to the town of Piaski. It was set up on an open field, at 100 m distance from the main road, in summer 1941. 20,000 Russian prisoners and 800 Jews from the ghetto of Lublin served as construction crew.
The man in charge of the camp was SS-Sturmbannführer Dollf, one of the
founding fathers of the National Socialist Party. He was a drunkard, rather short, with a face like an ape, a sadist who had trained his dog to tear anyone to pieces who was said to be a Jew. Right after the camp was finished, its construction crew all died; for Dollf ordered that they should not receive any food. The place intended for ten barracks was surrounded by two rows of barbed wire, and a net of especially dense barbed wire was strung between these. Then German military barracks were set up in this area, in five rows. Close to one corner, outside the barbed wire, towers of armored concrete were built, each 12 m tall (see plan).[479] SS men were posted on these towers as guards. There were also very bright spotlights that were trained on the barracks, and beside each spotlight was
a machine gun and a cannon, aimed at the camp. The soldiers from the towers walked up and down at barrack-level.
10 m distant from the first Compound (Plan Camp 1) a second ‘Compound’
was built, identical to the first. (See Plan Camp 2.) Half a meter from the second, the third and then the fourth and fifth were built. All these barracks in turn were fenced in with barbed wire. On the street side there was an entrance gate. Across from the barracks, about 20 m distant, were the various facilities, first of all the Bath. It consisted of an undressing room and a shoe depot. From the shoe depot one entered the Bath, and from the Bath, the clothing distribution center. The clothing depot was between the dressing room and the clothing distribution center. On the same side of the camp there were also the SS stables and the camp workshop. (See Plan.)
In the space between the compounds and these facilities there were posts from which delinquents were hanged. The Furnace Barrack was located in the 10-m space between the first and second barrack. (See Plan.) From the outside this barrack resembled the others, except that it had two mighty chimneys, in the style of factory smokestacks. This barrack was divided into three parts, each of which was almost separate. The first
part was the undressing room (Wardrobe, on the Plan), the second part was closed off and air-tight. That’s where the gas experiments were done (Gassing Room, on the Plan). The third part held two enormous furnaces.—This barrack was between Compounds I and II.
Arrival and Admittance.
From the train station, the Jews were taken under SS guard to their ‘state’.
They were given a pep talk; then they went to the Bath to wash up. In the Bath, their clothing, underwear and any leather objects they may have had were taken from them. The bundles of clothing were sent through the window into another room (Clothing Depot, on the Plan). They were sent into the Bath in groups of a hundred, old men separately, then the sick, and then the women and children. Those who had money had hidden it in their shoes or in leather pouches. But everything had to be left behind in the foyer before they entered the Bath. The clothing and shoes were then immediately searched by the guards and Gestapo, who simply stole the money and all the valuables. After the bath the new arrivals were led through another room into a hall where everyone received clothing and shoes. Everyone was given a sort of boiler suit with white and blue stripes. A Star of David was fixed to the chest, with alternating yellow and red triangles. On the back and knees was a number—the inmate number. The prisoners also received wooden shoes. This outfit was worn in summer and winter alike.
Distribution.
Young people with special skills were sent to work the very same day. The old and sick were also dispatched right away—to the barrack that contained the furnaces. In the first room they were instructed to undress; in the second, they died of asphyxiation within two minutes. From the second room they were transported to the furnaces. There was a fire under the ground; the furnace itself did not burn, but it collected hot air of 2,000°. The dead bodies were thrown in, and the enormous heat dried them out completely. In this way, each was reduced to just a few bubbles that were so dry they crackled. Special trucks then drove the remains out of the city to prepared ditches."
"Of the articles published about the Lublin camp in the Dziennik Polski i
Dziennik ..o..nierza in 1944, only one—dated August 31, shortly after the
camp’s liberation—is of any interest. This article stated that “a crematorium
and a gas chamber” had been operating in Majdanek and that mass murders
had been taking place there since spring 1943. There is no mention of any earlier gassings, and not so much as one word about the mass execution of November 3, 1943, which after all did allegedly claim 18,000 lives. We read:
“In the first days of March 1944 […] the local authorities decided that the best solution would be to gradually kill off the inmates. First and foremost the Jews, of course, but then the remaining Poles as well.”
According to the current version about Majdanek, there were virtually no
Jews left in Majdanek in March 1944, since almost all had been murdered in
November of the previous year. So, once again, a contemporaneous account of events in that camp does not in any way agree with the account that has been given modern historiography’s retrospective blessing. And again we shall
leave it to reader to decide why this is so.
The reports of Poles who had fled to allied or neutral countries abroad were
another source of information. A report published in Geneva on November 1,
1943, by a young Polish doctor [Abraham Silberschein] deserves mention here. About Majdanek, this report states:
“The camp Majdanek, guarded by the Gestapo and uniformed Ukrainians and
Lithuanians, is located in the vicinity of Lublin. Since early 1941, all Jews who
were rooted out of the various towns of Lublin District were sent to the Majdanek camp, where the Lithuanians and the Ukrainians learned the hangman’s trade on the Jews. The German masters taught their students various methods of hanging, roasting alive, or otherwise torturing people. The technique of extorting ‘confessions’ with needles shoved under the fingernails—this technique, which later was used throughout Poland, was invented in the Majdanek camp! Camp Majdanek had its attractions: in the depths of winter the Jews were dressed in paper clothing; then they were soaked in cold water and left to stand outside until they were frozen all over!
Then the character of the Majdanek camp changed, and presently it is a concentration camp for political prisoners, the second after Oswiecim. Of those who are taken there, 100% die. Lublin was a ‘reservoir’ for the German, Austrian, Czech etc. Jews. In late 1941[476] primarily Jews from Slovakia were there. Foreign Jew considered themselves superior to the Polish Jews, and even the Germans granted them better quarters and lighter work. Yes, the Germans even knew to exploit the differences between these two kinds of Jews and to place foreign Jews into ‘guard’ positions over the Polish ones.”
As we can see, this report is rife with imaginative accounts of German
atrocities—but its author knows nothing of gassings, even though these are
said to have already been going on there for more than a year at the time of
this article’s publication.
2. The Story Begins to Take Shape
In the sources we examined above, the tale of homicidal gassings begins in
a random, superficial manner. The first detailed eyewitness account of gassings was published in 1944 by Abraham Silberschein; he wrote:
“A witness who was arrested by the Germans in 1939 and was sent first to a
camp in Berlin reports about the concentration camp Lublin. In February 1941, this witness was taken back to Lublin with 2,500 prisoners and put into a special camp guarded by the SS. He remained in this camp from February 1941 until 1943, i.e., until his escape. He writes that he was a witness to the entire tragedy that played out in Lublin during this time. He witnessed the events in the ghetto as well as the destruction of the ghetto. He also witnessed how the remaining Jews were quartered in Majdan Tatarski and how this ghetto of barracks was liquidated. He guarded the camp on several occasions and came into contact with various people from the service branches and from the camp.”
We shall quote the most significant excerpts of the report supplied by this
witness; they are immensely revealing where our current subject is concerned:
“The Camp.
The camp was called a K.Z., an abbreviation of ‘Konzentrationslager’ [concentration camp]. It was more of an extermination camp, for no-one who ended up there ever left it again. The camp is located along the road leading from Lublin to the town of Piaski. It was set up on an open field, at 100 m distance from the main road, in summer 1941. 20,000 Russian prisoners and 800 Jews from the ghetto of Lublin served as construction crew.
The man in charge of the camp was SS-Sturmbannführer Dollf, one of the
founding fathers of the National Socialist Party. He was a drunkard, rather short, with a face like an ape, a sadist who had trained his dog to tear anyone to pieces who was said to be a Jew. Right after the camp was finished, its construction crew all died; for Dollf ordered that they should not receive any food. The place intended for ten barracks was surrounded by two rows of barbed wire, and a net of especially dense barbed wire was strung between these. Then German military barracks were set up in this area, in five rows. Close to one corner, outside the barbed wire, towers of armored concrete were built, each 12 m tall (see plan).[479] SS men were posted on these towers as guards. There were also very bright spotlights that were trained on the barracks, and beside each spotlight was
a machine gun and a cannon, aimed at the camp. The soldiers from the towers walked up and down at barrack-level.
10 m distant from the first Compound (Plan Camp 1) a second ‘Compound’
was built, identical to the first. (See Plan Camp 2.) Half a meter from the second, the third and then the fourth and fifth were built. All these barracks in turn were fenced in with barbed wire. On the street side there was an entrance gate. Across from the barracks, about 20 m distant, were the various facilities, first of all the Bath. It consisted of an undressing room and a shoe depot. From the shoe depot one entered the Bath, and from the Bath, the clothing distribution center. The clothing depot was between the dressing room and the clothing distribution center. On the same side of the camp there were also the SS stables and the camp workshop. (See Plan.)
In the space between the compounds and these facilities there were posts from which delinquents were hanged. The Furnace Barrack was located in the 10-m space between the first and second barrack. (See Plan.) From the outside this barrack resembled the others, except that it had two mighty chimneys, in the style of factory smokestacks. This barrack was divided into three parts, each of which was almost separate. The first
part was the undressing room (Wardrobe, on the Plan), the second part was closed off and air-tight. That’s where the gas experiments were done (Gassing Room, on the Plan). The third part held two enormous furnaces.—This barrack was between Compounds I and II.
Arrival and Admittance.
From the train station, the Jews were taken under SS guard to their ‘state’.
They were given a pep talk; then they went to the Bath to wash up. In the Bath, their clothing, underwear and any leather objects they may have had were taken from them. The bundles of clothing were sent through the window into another room (Clothing Depot, on the Plan). They were sent into the Bath in groups of a hundred, old men separately, then the sick, and then the women and children. Those who had money had hidden it in their shoes or in leather pouches. But everything had to be left behind in the foyer before they entered the Bath. The clothing and shoes were then immediately searched by the guards and Gestapo, who simply stole the money and all the valuables. After the bath the new arrivals were led through another room into a hall where everyone received clothing and shoes. Everyone was given a sort of boiler suit with white and blue stripes. A Star of David was fixed to the chest, with alternating yellow and red triangles. On the back and knees was a number—the inmate number. The prisoners also received wooden shoes. This outfit was worn in summer and winter alike.
Distribution.
Young people with special skills were sent to work the very same day. The old and sick were also dispatched right away—to the barrack that contained the furnaces. In the first room they were instructed to undress; in the second, they died of asphyxiation within two minutes. From the second room they were transported to the furnaces. There was a fire under the ground; the furnace itself did not burn, but it collected hot air of 2,000°. The dead bodies were thrown in, and the enormous heat dried them out completely. In this way, each was reduced to just a few bubbles that were so dry they crackled. Special trucks then drove the remains out of the city to prepared ditches."
2005-01-05, 19:24
#12
Abraham Silberschein fortsätter berätta vad han hört och tror, och sedan presenteras Konstantin Simonovs version, Simonov som talade med fångar som påträffades i lägret när bolsjevikerna erövrat den trakt det ligger i sommaren 1944:
"Throughout the entire year 1942, thousands of Jews were killed in the gassing chamber every day. New crowds were brought in weekly, and this has been going on to this day. The children were taken to hospitals for blood transfusions.
Work in the Camp.
Once someone had entered the barrack, they could not leave it again except
under guard. The strong and healthy men were assigned to work. At first they considered themselves lucky. No-one suspected that the end might be near; for they had been promised food and shelter—provided they did good work. Nevertheless, reasons were found to send thousands of working Jews into the ovens every day. The walk to work was already difficult. Whoever among the Jews did not march neatly in a row was sent between the barbed wire, and from there, into the oven. Marching was hard; going barefoot was forbidden, and the wooden shoes were very painful. Since all the old and sick were liquidated, no-one dared report sick. Every day, those who did not work as desired were culled for the oven. There was no work on Sundays; but there were gymnastics exercises. If anyone fell, he was not allowed to get up: he was doomed to feed the oven. Several people died of the hellish pain the wooden shoes caused them; their feet were all bloody. Several Jews got sick from wearing the wooden shoes, which made their feet swell up to the point where they could no longer go to work. […] This was the fate of the Central European Jews. Some two million of them went through the camp to their deaths. And the miserable death the Germans gave them,
they dreamed up just to conserve their bullets.” (Emphasis added)
The account of this witness is illustrated with a sketch of Majdanek that allows us, on the basis of our knowledge of the camp’s construction history, to penetrate to the roots of the rumors of the execution gassings.
The sketch479 shows a fairly accurate depiction of “Bath and Disinfection
II”, Barrack 42, with “Undressing Room”, “Clothing Depot” (Clothing Drop-
Off), “Baths” (Showers), and “Distribution of Prison Clothing” (Clothing
Distribution). According to the witness, all the Jews to arrive in the camp, including the old people, the sick, the women and the children, were sent to the showers, where they undressed, showered, and were issued prison clothes; then the young ones were promptly sent off to work, while the old and sick were gassed. We do not quite understand the purpose behind letting those who were judged unfit to work take showers first rather than sending them straight to the “gassing room”.
But what is even more surprising is this: even though the report dates from
1943, it makes no mention at all of “Bath and Disinfection I”—that is, Barrack
41, the alleged main murder site, where according to Polish historiography
the homicidal gassings had already been taking place since October 1942!
Where the extermination facilities are concerned, the witness has created a
sort of collage of elements which did in fact exist, but neither at the same time nor in the same place. The “gassing room” is nothing other than that part of Barrack 28 that was approximately 110 m distant from the furnaces, and the Laundry, located between the barracks and the furnaces. If Barrack 28, which merely contained a drying facility in July 1944, had previously been equipped as a delousing facility, this could not have been done until after the alleged main extermination facility in Barrack 41 had been brought into service but which the witness does not even deem worthy of mention.
The witness description of the cremation furnaces seems odd at first:
“There was a fire under the ground; the furnace itself did not burn, but it collected hot air of 2,000 degrees.” In actual fact, this description is not one of the cremation furnaces at all, but of the air heater. As we have already shown in Chapter VI, these devices were coke-fueled, with the stoking mechanism being installed beneath the floor, so that there actually was “a fire under the ground”; no combustion took place in the upper part (“the furnace itself did not burn”), but air heating did (“it collected hot air”). The temperature cited by the witness—2,000°C— is a gross exaggeration, not only for a hot-air chamber but even for a cremation
furnace. It goes without saying that the victim count touted by the witness (thousands every day, two million by the end of 1943) is nothing more than the crudest kind of atrocity propaganda.
The account by C. Simonov which we have already mentioned in Chapter
VI is of downright overwhelming significance since the author, who visited
Majdanek right after its liberation and spent several days there, was able to
talk with former inmates, who told him the history of the camp and explained
its various facilities to him; accordingly, Simonov’s account is based on eyewitness testimony and, from that perspective, represents the ‘official’ version that circulated among the just-liberated inmates in July and August 1944. This version differs from that examined above in several decisive aspects: it introduces a new extermination facility, knows nothing of the “gassing room” in the old crematorium, and transfers the execution gassings into the delousing facility at Barrack 41, describing a very strange technique indeed:
“The first place where mass exterminations took place was a wooden barrack
which had been built between two wire barriers when the camp was set up. This barrack had a long beam across the top, from which eight nooses always hung down—for hanging anyone who showed signs of weakness. […]
Soon the primitive crematorium, consisting of two furnaces, was set up; we
have already mentioned it above. Construction of the gas chamber dragged on; it was still not finished. During this time, the main method for exterminating the sick and exhausted inmates was the following: a room with a very narrow and low entranceway was set up in the crematorium—the entrance was so low that anyone who passed through it had to duck. Two SS-men with heavy, short iron bars stood to either side of the door. As the victim walked through the door with his head ducked down, one of the SS-men aimed a blow at his neck vertebrae with his iron bar. If the one SS-man missed, the other took a crack at the victim. It didn’t matter
if the victim failed to die right away and just passed out. Anyone who fell was considered dead, and was thrown into the cremation furnace.”
Thus it follows that there was no execution gas chamber in the old crematorium. Naturally, the account of this homespun murder method was intended to give a reader extra goosebumps since it suggested that some of the victims were still alive when they were burned.
C. Simonov gives an exact description of the alleged execution gas chambers
in the Delousing Facility in Barrack 41, but he knows nothing of Chamber
IV, which the inmates obviously did not yet at that time consider a homicidal
gas chamber. We have already quoted the beginning of this description in
Chapter VI; let us now continue it: “Where does the window lead to? To answer this question, we open the door and leave the room. Next to it there is another small chamber of concrete; that’s where the window leads to. Here there is electric light as well as a power outlet. From here, looking through the window, one can observe anything that happens in
the first room. On the floor there are a few round, air-tight, sealed cans labelled ‘Zyklon’; ‘for special use in the Eastern regions’ is added in smaller letters. The contents of the cans were introduced through the pipes into the adjoining room when it was full of people. The naked, tightly crowded people did not take up much room. More than 250 people were packed into the 40m² room. They were forced in and then the steel door was closed; the cracks were sealed with clay to make it even more air-tight, and a special unit wearing gas masks introduced the ‘Zyklon’ from the cans through the pipes from the adjoining room. The ‘Zyklon’ consisted of small blue crystals that looked perfectly innocent but, once exposed to oxygen, gave off poisonous
gases that simultaneously affect all the body’s vital functions.
The ‘Zyklon’ was introduced through the pipes; the SS-man leading the operation supervised the asphyxiation process which, according to different eyewitness accounts, took between two and ten minutes. He could safely observe everything through the window; the horrible faces of the dying people and the gradual effect of the gas; the peephole was just at eye level. When the people died the observer did not need to look down; they did not fall down as they died—the gas chamber was so crowded that the dead remained standing. It must be pointed out that the ‘Zyklon’ really was a disinfectant and really was used in the neighboring rooms[482] to disinfest clothing. Quite properly and as per regulations! The difference was merely to know which dosage of the ‘Zyklon’ to introduce into the chamber.”
This tale, which describes a technically utterly impossible murder method,
proves that the former inmates of Majdanek had never attended or observed
any homicidal gassings at all. None of the witnesses told Simonov that he had seen an SS-man wearing a gas mask or holding a can of Zyklon B on the roof in Barrack 42 of the alleged execution gas chamber; none told him that in the areas where the pipes are installed, the victims were gassed with bottled CO."
En länk om när ryssarna nådde fram till lägret:
http://www.scrapbookpages.com/Poland...iberation.html
"Throughout the entire year 1942, thousands of Jews were killed in the gassing chamber every day. New crowds were brought in weekly, and this has been going on to this day. The children were taken to hospitals for blood transfusions.
Work in the Camp.
Once someone had entered the barrack, they could not leave it again except
under guard. The strong and healthy men were assigned to work. At first they considered themselves lucky. No-one suspected that the end might be near; for they had been promised food and shelter—provided they did good work. Nevertheless, reasons were found to send thousands of working Jews into the ovens every day. The walk to work was already difficult. Whoever among the Jews did not march neatly in a row was sent between the barbed wire, and from there, into the oven. Marching was hard; going barefoot was forbidden, and the wooden shoes were very painful. Since all the old and sick were liquidated, no-one dared report sick. Every day, those who did not work as desired were culled for the oven. There was no work on Sundays; but there were gymnastics exercises. If anyone fell, he was not allowed to get up: he was doomed to feed the oven. Several people died of the hellish pain the wooden shoes caused them; their feet were all bloody. Several Jews got sick from wearing the wooden shoes, which made their feet swell up to the point where they could no longer go to work. […] This was the fate of the Central European Jews. Some two million of them went through the camp to their deaths. And the miserable death the Germans gave them,
they dreamed up just to conserve their bullets.” (Emphasis added)
The account of this witness is illustrated with a sketch of Majdanek that allows us, on the basis of our knowledge of the camp’s construction history, to penetrate to the roots of the rumors of the execution gassings.
The sketch479 shows a fairly accurate depiction of “Bath and Disinfection
II”, Barrack 42, with “Undressing Room”, “Clothing Depot” (Clothing Drop-
Off), “Baths” (Showers), and “Distribution of Prison Clothing” (Clothing
Distribution). According to the witness, all the Jews to arrive in the camp, including the old people, the sick, the women and the children, were sent to the showers, where they undressed, showered, and were issued prison clothes; then the young ones were promptly sent off to work, while the old and sick were gassed. We do not quite understand the purpose behind letting those who were judged unfit to work take showers first rather than sending them straight to the “gassing room”.
But what is even more surprising is this: even though the report dates from
1943, it makes no mention at all of “Bath and Disinfection I”—that is, Barrack
41, the alleged main murder site, where according to Polish historiography
the homicidal gassings had already been taking place since October 1942!
Where the extermination facilities are concerned, the witness has created a
sort of collage of elements which did in fact exist, but neither at the same time nor in the same place. The “gassing room” is nothing other than that part of Barrack 28 that was approximately 110 m distant from the furnaces, and the Laundry, located between the barracks and the furnaces. If Barrack 28, which merely contained a drying facility in July 1944, had previously been equipped as a delousing facility, this could not have been done until after the alleged main extermination facility in Barrack 41 had been brought into service but which the witness does not even deem worthy of mention.
The witness description of the cremation furnaces seems odd at first:
“There was a fire under the ground; the furnace itself did not burn, but it collected hot air of 2,000 degrees.” In actual fact, this description is not one of the cremation furnaces at all, but of the air heater. As we have already shown in Chapter VI, these devices were coke-fueled, with the stoking mechanism being installed beneath the floor, so that there actually was “a fire under the ground”; no combustion took place in the upper part (“the furnace itself did not burn”), but air heating did (“it collected hot air”). The temperature cited by the witness—2,000°C— is a gross exaggeration, not only for a hot-air chamber but even for a cremation
furnace. It goes without saying that the victim count touted by the witness (thousands every day, two million by the end of 1943) is nothing more than the crudest kind of atrocity propaganda.
The account by C. Simonov which we have already mentioned in Chapter
VI is of downright overwhelming significance since the author, who visited
Majdanek right after its liberation and spent several days there, was able to
talk with former inmates, who told him the history of the camp and explained
its various facilities to him; accordingly, Simonov’s account is based on eyewitness testimony and, from that perspective, represents the ‘official’ version that circulated among the just-liberated inmates in July and August 1944. This version differs from that examined above in several decisive aspects: it introduces a new extermination facility, knows nothing of the “gassing room” in the old crematorium, and transfers the execution gassings into the delousing facility at Barrack 41, describing a very strange technique indeed:
“The first place where mass exterminations took place was a wooden barrack
which had been built between two wire barriers when the camp was set up. This barrack had a long beam across the top, from which eight nooses always hung down—for hanging anyone who showed signs of weakness. […]
Soon the primitive crematorium, consisting of two furnaces, was set up; we
have already mentioned it above. Construction of the gas chamber dragged on; it was still not finished. During this time, the main method for exterminating the sick and exhausted inmates was the following: a room with a very narrow and low entranceway was set up in the crematorium—the entrance was so low that anyone who passed through it had to duck. Two SS-men with heavy, short iron bars stood to either side of the door. As the victim walked through the door with his head ducked down, one of the SS-men aimed a blow at his neck vertebrae with his iron bar. If the one SS-man missed, the other took a crack at the victim. It didn’t matter
if the victim failed to die right away and just passed out. Anyone who fell was considered dead, and was thrown into the cremation furnace.”
Thus it follows that there was no execution gas chamber in the old crematorium. Naturally, the account of this homespun murder method was intended to give a reader extra goosebumps since it suggested that some of the victims were still alive when they were burned.
C. Simonov gives an exact description of the alleged execution gas chambers
in the Delousing Facility in Barrack 41, but he knows nothing of Chamber
IV, which the inmates obviously did not yet at that time consider a homicidal
gas chamber. We have already quoted the beginning of this description in
Chapter VI; let us now continue it: “Where does the window lead to? To answer this question, we open the door and leave the room. Next to it there is another small chamber of concrete; that’s where the window leads to. Here there is electric light as well as a power outlet. From here, looking through the window, one can observe anything that happens in
the first room. On the floor there are a few round, air-tight, sealed cans labelled ‘Zyklon’; ‘for special use in the Eastern regions’ is added in smaller letters. The contents of the cans were introduced through the pipes into the adjoining room when it was full of people. The naked, tightly crowded people did not take up much room. More than 250 people were packed into the 40m² room. They were forced in and then the steel door was closed; the cracks were sealed with clay to make it even more air-tight, and a special unit wearing gas masks introduced the ‘Zyklon’ from the cans through the pipes from the adjoining room. The ‘Zyklon’ consisted of small blue crystals that looked perfectly innocent but, once exposed to oxygen, gave off poisonous
gases that simultaneously affect all the body’s vital functions.
The ‘Zyklon’ was introduced through the pipes; the SS-man leading the operation supervised the asphyxiation process which, according to different eyewitness accounts, took between two and ten minutes. He could safely observe everything through the window; the horrible faces of the dying people and the gradual effect of the gas; the peephole was just at eye level. When the people died the observer did not need to look down; they did not fall down as they died—the gas chamber was so crowded that the dead remained standing. It must be pointed out that the ‘Zyklon’ really was a disinfectant and really was used in the neighboring rooms[482] to disinfest clothing. Quite properly and as per regulations! The difference was merely to know which dosage of the ‘Zyklon’ to introduce into the chamber.”
This tale, which describes a technically utterly impossible murder method,
proves that the former inmates of Majdanek had never attended or observed
any homicidal gassings at all. None of the witnesses told Simonov that he had seen an SS-man wearing a gas mask or holding a can of Zyklon B on the roof in Barrack 42 of the alleged execution gas chamber; none told him that in the areas where the pipes are installed, the victims were gassed with bottled CO."
En länk om när ryssarna nådde fram till lägret:
http://www.scrapbookpages.com/Poland...iberation.html
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